DHARNA IN THE TOWN – Iss Par Bhee Sawaal Kar

A motley bunch of self-inspired professionals came together last week in Chandigarh's Sector 17, angry at the rape of a girl by five cops of Chandigarh Police. For five hours, they talked. FIVE HOURS. Five hours that redefined the idea of a protest. Many of them belonged to the media, but they refused to ask their friends in the media to cover the dharna. Their aim was different. They wanted to talk to the city. They wanted to listen to the city. This is a brief reportage from Ground Zero.

Nischay Pal

For years now, I have been watching one or the other interest group sitting on a dharna in Chandigarh's Sector 17. In most cases, the dharna would have a life of its own, an island amidst a sea of shoppers and casual strollers in the plaza. A group of 4-14 people would sit on a durrie, a couple of quick-printed A3 size posters announcing their demand, a bunch of press photographers would arrive on the scene since someone from the dharna-group had would call and request for a photograph.

Next to the fountain atop a tasteless cemented structure that would have as much water as the signs of having suffered the vagaries of weather in its short life of half a century, the dharna-group would become astonishingly active with the arrival of the lensmen from various newspapers. "Zindabad - Murdabad" would reverberate through the air. One enterprising man would pick up a poster and hold it aloft in his hands. With their template photographs clicked, the golden silence would return. The grateful agitationists would request the "press photographers" to have a cup of tea from a nearby kiosk. "You have a press release, too?" a photographer would ask. "Shaam nu bhej devange ji," he would be told. Job done. Agitation over for the day, with enough time left for lunch. The highest display of responsibility would be about who rolls the durrie and keeps it in his car.

Agitation-protest-dharna-morcha-opposition-murdabad-zindabad-fight for a cause – jo hunm se takrayega – hamari maange poori karo – kender sarkar hai hai-punjab sarkar murdabad – inkalab –shaheed bhagat singh – better wage scale on 8-14-20 basis – vocational teachers-berozgaar ETT teachers-anganwadi workers-cpi-cpi(m) – falana group-dhimka group.

This was such a beautiful mould of agitation in Chandigarh. Every step time tested. Every day fruitful. After all, the next day's newspapers do carry that picture. The raised fist. The anger on the face. The Hamari Mange Poori Karo poster. And under the great umbrella of a big banner, what they ostensibly think is in the mould of RK Studios or Raj Shri Productions -- Lok Sangharsh Morcha, XYZ Employee Union (Regd), or whatever other platform they gather on.

In 65 years, I have not seen a train coming on this platform.

I wanted to watch this up close and personal. So, one fine day when there was a nip in the air, and the sun seemed generous, I decided to hog a spot in the town plaza, yards away from a group of 43 teachers sitting cross legged on a rug. The 44th was on the mike. "Sathiyo...". The man seemed fairly adept at his business. The speech came to him as second nature. He was talking about promotions being blocked, wanted ban on contractual recruitment of teachers and said his and his associates' prime purpose was to safeguard the school system.

Hundreds of people were filing past them, not one paid attention, not one sat with them for a minute, not one asked why were 44 men (there were no women) so angry that they had left everything to sit in a protest in the town square.

"Poori karo!" "Poor karo!" Suddenly, the group was super-animated. I could not fathom what demand it was that they wanted fulfilled. And it was then that I saw five people lurking nearby, with suspiciously bulging black duffel bags slung from their shoulders. Out came their cameras, quickly they snapped the action. Game over. In the next five minutes, everyone had vanished, and I was left to admire the role that the plaza plays in the city's discourse.

Next day, the photograph duly appeared in virtually all the newspapers. Clearly, various interest groups have perfected the dharna technique.

Last week, when news appeared that a minor girl was raped by five policemen repeatedly over a period of several days, a few inspired souls thought there should be an expression of outrage, a display of anger, a mark of protest, a voice of the city, an exhibition of solidarity with the victim. With affiliations too loose and no worked out networks, getting a bunch of people together at one selected spot in the town at a pre-determined point was a task too easy and too difficult at the same time. What would be the demand? Should they have a banner? How else does one protest? May be they can grab a piece of paper and scrawl a shrieky slogan on it, hold it aloft, and shout a Murdabad – fist clenched, air punched?

How do you protest in a world that has become so noisy?

In a particularly weak moment, I thought it was no use punching the town square air with your fists. I knew the fate of 44 teachers. Not the parents of a single child had cared to join them; instead, many had preferred to buy a pair of chappals from the discount sale at Sant Shoe Store nearby.

The 44 teachers were equally pissed off with the media, but they couldn’t afford to say that in their press release. They couldn’t afford to annoy the photographers by even hinting at how much space the media gives to genuine issues of the people. Of course, the issue figures in their own discussions, but not in the press release.

But some people just do not get tired. A sociology professor from Panjab University, who is there in the chowk, in a TV studio, at a dharna in the university, at a meeting in Gurgaon, every time you bring a people-connect issue to the fore. A former registrar of a medical sciences university who belies age and successfully connects to the young, his anger and logic both intact. A journalist who straddles the world of media, activism and politics with equal aplomb. A film maker who dabbles in television but manages to debunk the dumbing down theory. Each brings his friends, too. A lawyer who recently turned into an Aam Aadmi Party leader but whose ability to critique has not weakened in his new avataar. One call and they all find time to land at the chowk. They always manage to do so. They have routines, vocations, families, and still rejig priorities. A Thapar University don drove from Patiala the other evening to be part of a slogan shouting group at the PU, and then stayed back to intently listen to the young student leaders of the PU.

It was a Friday, and Sector 17 plaza is on any day a hustling bustling place. The group was soon into a routine – Murdabad, Zindabad. A few slogans directed against the police, another few towards the administration. Chandigarh Prashaasan Murdabad. Insaaf. And also, that old redoubtable made a re-appearance – Inquilab Zindabad.

And then the lawyer-turned-politician turned into a quick thinking strategist. He went next door into a shop and bought/brought a megaphone, microphone in hand, the loud speaker hanging from the shoulder. Powered by eight dry batteries and drenched-in-passion spirit, the motley group soon had a voice. A louder voice. MURDABAD...ZINDABAD...INQUILAB!

And then it all turned altogether on to a different track. Something happened to the dharna. Panjab University academic, Janaki Srinivasan, who makes extremely nuanced arguments in political science, was on that megaphone. The group had now grown to some 500 people, Janaki in the centre, mike in hand. She was explaining deeper and complex notions of patriarchy. To the people in the chowk? Yes. Next, it was Daljit Ami's turn to take over. Dharnas have a grammar, set by decades of professional dharna masters. Daljit respects few stereotypes. He thought chowk is the place for a serious discussion. He is like that. He even thinks TV studios are a place for seriously approaching complex issues instead of dumbing down these. Something unnerving was happening in Sector 17. The 500 odd people were seriously listening to Daljit Ami as he explained why we should not call the rapists, beasts. "Beasts do not rape, men do. Nature has no role in it. Nature does not make these men. Our society makes men rapists." Oh My God!

Bravery has many forms, but trying to get a serious dialogue going in the chowk would have seemed foolishness to me. But then, were the braves not often called foolish all through human civilisational experience?

Off and on, slogans kept cajoling new people to join the crowd. So a student from Panjab University thought of raising what he thought was the most meaningful slogan – “Pittri Satta Murdabad.” A couple of journalists in the chowk seemed very confused. This was the first time they had heard of such a slogan. Whatever happened to the classic dharna they were used to covering?

"Rape is not a crime against women." Now, I thought this one was certainly new, and one that will make the women in the crowd, though hugely marginal presence, take out their slippers and beat the hell out of the speaker. "This is deliberately reducing the intensity of the crime. When a woman is sexually harassed, is it not a problem for her husband, her father, her boy friend, and if you have a heart, yours? Rape is a crime against humanity. Every rape is a rape of the kind of society you wanted your children to have." And people were listening.

"Rape maa ki gaali se shuru hota hai."

"Start questioning your dad. It starts from home."

"If you fail to stand up, YOU murdabad."

I wanted to feel offended, but then thought of all the times I did not stand up. I felt so Murdabad.

"For every weak moment in my life when I did not stop because I felt I was outnumbered, and those harassing the girl were a big group, mujh par bhee laanat hai." Was this man speaking about me?

The group was talking to itself. It was speaking to the city. The city was talking to itself. This was a dialogue in the metropolis.

"Do not remain silent, Nirbhaya is watching." The poster was enough to break through the hestitation. "Rape is a crime; Silence is Rape # 2." Now, that made it difficult not to rise to the sloganeering bunch's call. "Aap naare ka jawab nahi do ge tau hamaari awaaz dab jaye gi." This group was not even saying they are a power. They were saying they were weak.

A policeman called me aside. “Sir ji, yeh mat samjhiyo hum aap ke saath nahi hain. Ghar par to hamaare bhee yahi baa thee ho rahi hai.” For a moment, I was tempted to count the cops also among our listeners.

Every now and then, slogans would take over. And then, a new slogan pierced through the hearts. "Sawaal Kar..Sawaal Kar". Question what? "Satta par sawaal kar," "Political parties par sawaal kar," "Media par sawaal kar," "Sampadak par sawaal kar." We were all responding with full gusto – "Sawaal kar, sawaal kar."

Then, the questions started becoming difficult. "Khud par sawaal kar," "Maa par sawaal kar," "Baap par sawaal kar."

But then, they seemed easier compared to what was coming next. "Phir sawaal par sawaal kar," "Phir jawab par sawaal kar," "Har baat par sawaal kar," "Har jawaab par sawaal kar."

Daljit Ami was on the loose. And he had got the pulse

of the people. It had already been four hours, four non-stop hours of a city talking to itself. There were moments in between when the crowd would dissipate, we would be left down to 100 odd people. A few slogans would again bring a bunch of fresh faces, all gathering around. There was no discipline. Who is to speak? For how long? Contradictions were aplenty.

"Women bodies are being commoditised. Look at our advertisements, how they denigrate women," someone who had got the megaphone was saying. Soon, the next speaker was slamming him: "When the answer is that simple – NO – which part of it confuses you? N? or O? No means no. The height of the skirt has nothing to do with it. Do not talk of their clothes. They rape the burqa clad ones, they rape infant girls, they rape matronly old women, they rape literally insane women in homes for mentally retarded. So stop this argument about what women should wear."

The mega phone had changed hands -- "What do you mean by saying 'They rape.'?" Rapist does not come from outside. And he pointed out to another poster.

"Next rapist will not come from the police. He will come from mine or your family, or our street, or the street next to it."

A lot of Chandigarh cops looked on, anger writ large on their faces. Few thought it was because five of their ilk had shamed them. Most thought the Chandigarh Police Murdabad sloganeering was enraging them. Meanwhile, another speaker was on the mega phone.

"Naak hamari bhee kaati huyee hai -- Aap ke paanch pakre gaye hain, hamaari bradari ka chamkta heera ghatiya kola nikla hai, Tarun Tejpal ne patarkaari ki naak kaat hai. Yeh larrayee naak bachaane ki hai."

Students from Kendri Gurdwara Singh Sabha also said their piece. “Our teacher said go and join the voice of the people,” one of them said. A young PU student, Divya, was angry that the debate explodes in the town square only when a rape happens. “What about my daily life? I step out from my home, walk through the market, go shopping, search for groceries... male gaze panning my every moment.” I was looking a little farther away, a young couple going hand-in-hand, a score pair of eyes following them.

By now, five hours had passed. The conversation was not stopping. It took some quick thinking on the part of Prof Manjit Singh to ask Ekam Moonak, a youngster with a mellifluous voice, to sing a song, and people joined in. The song was a perfect end to the dharna, to a dialogue, to a conversation.

This was a dharna? At times, I felt this was a seminar out in the chowk. I noticed Prof Meera Nanda (The God Market) standing at the edge of the crowd. I saw Prof Kuldeep Puri diligently watching every mood of the crowd. The few moments for which he spoke, I thought a sage has come to the town square. Prof Akshay Kumar took to the mike and seemed worried that in the broadspectrum of issues from Soni Sori to Manipur Manorama Mothers to Irom Sharmila to the state using rape as a weapon of intimidation and humiliation, we must not take the pressure off the Chandigarh Police. Rajiv Godara kept his counsel, watching everything, aware that talk about Aam Aadmi Party was happening on its own. Sarbjit Dhaliwal of The Tribune hung around for a long time. Khushal Lali, another inspired journalist, was there, too. “We are from Pukar, please always call us for such a cause, we will be there,” a bunch of youngsters were telling me about their NGO. “Why didn’t you call Tarlochan Singh of Punjabi Tribune? He is the one who writes really wonderfully about genuine issues?” Tarlochan is a friend; I was happy he was Zindabad even when absent. “Where’s Hamir Singh? How come he is not here?” someone asked me accusingly, as if I was guilty why one good man was less. “He was here most of the day, and he was an inspiration to us for even thinking of gathering here,” I responded. “Bande hee gine-chune ne ji shehar vich!” another piped up.

“Dhhayee totru.”

But I was thinking about this dharna and the dharna of the 44 teachers.

Only one of them could be called a dharna.

It is time for all of us to do a re-think. We have tried for decades those sit-on-a-durrie, raise-a-few-slogans, get-a-photo-clicked, issue-a-press-release dharnas. And we have tried this – no photos, no press releases, no durrie. A conversation with the city. A dialogue among ourselves. Prof Manjit Singh calls it Lok Awaz.

That's perhaps because there were 'Lok' in it, and they heard their 'Awaaz'. It has to be more intelligent than MURDABAD-ZINDABAD-INQUILAB.

That's the only way to ensure that somethings remain Murdabad, others Zindabad, and one day, we have an Inquilab.

Sawaal Kar... Dharna Par Bhee Sawaal Kar.


P.S. A journalist friend from Jalandhar suggested that the piece is perhaps too long, but then, when asked why should writers fall into media-induced word limits, agreed, saying, "Word length par bhee sawaal kar." The chowk is reaching across, friends.

TEHELKA ETC. You know the story too well, but do you know this?

Nischay Pal

By now, you know the story all too well. Already, the chatter is dying down. The TV channels need the OB vans somewhere else. Results of the semi-finals of electoral politics will soon be on the anvil. "Delhi without Shiela Dikshit?" –the headlines will scream soon. Madhya Pradesh is too big a state to spare any OB van for a girl crying hoarse that justice dispensing machinery is working in flawed ways.

But still, you know the story all too well.

You may not have known the story in slightly different circumstances.

What if it was the editor of a lesser known fly-by-night portal?

What if it were not Tehelka but some other magazine, one that did not have the history of having stung big guns of Indian politics?

What if the girl were not someone who would have been working in Tehelka but an unemployed woman hired only to assist in looking after certain logistical arrangements during the ThinkFest in Goa, not something as fancy as chaperoning a Hollywood star?

What if she had been too shocked in the initial moments or the few days following the incident, and had not confided in anyone about what happened?

What if a couple of friends that such a girl (not the former Tehelka employee but our unemployed girl in contractual arrangement with Tehelka) confided in had been afraid to later speak out? Or one had contradicted her version? After all, even in the actual case, talk about there being many "versions" did not take long to emerge.

But still, you know the story all too well.

This was a girl who came from a family where her father was a journalist and a former colleague of Tarun Tejpal. This was a girl who had known some of India's top journalists first hand even as a child. This was a girl who was working in a top-of-the-line journalism brand like Tehelka. This was a girl who was professionally so excellent that she could be entrusted with chaperoning Robert de Nero and his daughter around Goa.

As I said, you already know the story all too well.

This was a girl whose communication skills surpassed many of the rookie journalists who come from small towns across India, landing in cities like Delhi or Mumbai, all starry-eyed and fired with ideas of impressing the bosses and giving their best, taking for granted that their bosses who run newspapers and magazines and TV channels will stand up to oppose every single wrong.

This was a girl who could muster the courage to write in horryfying detail what she had suffered in that godforsaken lift, and later as lies and innenduoes and obfuscation and outright pressure took over.

This was a girl who, at a young age, had forged friendships close enough and strong enough that they endured the crunch-test. Her friends chose to stand by her, bear witness, resign from their jobs, not to waver. Not everyone is that fortunate in finding friends such as these. Not many journalistic pieces have given them their due. Each one of them proved to be as brave as the girl who decided not to stay silent.

Of course, you that story all too well.

Now, think of a girl at a small shop, working as a sales girl. Think of it being a shop that sells women undergarments. Let's sound more polite and call it lingerie. It becomes easy to have "conversations heavily loaded with context". You don't even need references to "rain" and "thunderclouds".

Think of a female nurse at a small-time hospital where references to body parts can become "heavily loaded with context", particularly if Punjab's killer roads become lazy some night, not sending too many blood-soaked patients, and the senior male nurse has little to do but make casual comment or "indulge in light-hearted banter." Please do not cry off and accuse me of defaming the pious profession of medicine. Why can't a male nurse on a full-of-free-time night indulge in a little banter the like of which they do in certain other organisations? What a "poor understanding" of nurse-nurse relationship in a small time clinic in a small time town in the dead of the night?

Think of a primary school teacher in any Punjab town where English medium schools have been mushrooming in every third street, employing teachers at monthly salaries equal to what the coffee-serving barista makes in tips in a week at any decent coffee lounge. If I am wrong in that particular calculation, I wonder if the teacher will point it out. My experience is that their visits to these coffee lounges are a bit too infrequent. But I am sure the light hearted banter comes easy at the expense of a young woman teacher for whom the low-paying job is the only lifeline unless she wants to travel by bus everyday for an hour and a half to the school in a nearby town where she will get better salary. And then, where is the guarantee that someone will not indulge in light hearted banter there?

And if you would rather picture a teacher who goes to these coffee joints, and is not posted in any small town but a city as swank as Chandigarh, you will notice that many of these coffee joints have posters that can trigger/prompt context-loaded conversations. All one needs to remark is that it is not just the coffee that is hot. Presumably, context will take over and banter can be tried. No need to keep the lift in circulation. If it leads to uproar, arguments can be marshalled at will -- no fiduciary relationship, it was an open place, not a lift, there were people around, and besides, what was she doing these having coffee post-school timings?

But then, you know such stories all too well.

You know of the ones that happened at Tehelka. Or the one in which the girl was an intern with a former Supreme Court judge. Or the ones in which the girl was a JNU student and working at Indian International Film Festival in Goa. These girls were empowered. They were all in fiduciary relationship. They could communicate. They were in cities where OB vans can be marshalled for a high eyeballs story. They could each write a complaint in English. They had enough confidence to communicate with sharp journalists. They could muster the courage to fiercely keep their identities secret.

But TV channels cannot spare camera teams for incidents at shops, in small time clinics, or private schools. Local neighbourhood cop may not be as tough as Inspector Sunita Sawant of Goa police. And the woman nurse/salesgirl/teacher may not have the added advantage of the country's top anchors breathing down the neck of the accused and his apologists night after night after night.

Of course, you also know how the story turned even in Goa.

Even Tarun Tejpal could not resist the temptation of indulging in character assassination. His references to the girl partying after his assault seemed to be so much in tune with what an Asaram might have come up with. In fact, remember that Tejpal's comment on the girl partying was based as per legal advice. Well, Tejpal is in good company. There was no dearth of people who thought it was alright to pump a bullet into a girl who refuses to give you a drink after the bar closes -- "After all, what was Jessica Lal doing there, serving drinks?"

Prurient interest in the story was in keeping with Tejpal's "lapse of judgment". Those who know I have friends who have earlier worked in Tehelka were calling to ask where they can find the name of the girl. Some told me they were able to look up her picture on the internet. "Do you have the complete mail? The actual mail?" a senior reporter working with a top newspaper with edition in Chandigarh asked me. This after much of what the mail contained had become public knowledge.

But I am sure you know that part of the story well, also. Worse, the salesgirl/nurse/teacher also know that story. That’s why you don’t read about it all the time, or your daily newspaper would be full of such episodes every single day. Less than rape, it is not news. And you know that too, don’t you?

So has it become easier after Tehelka-Tejpal-Supreme Court judge intern-JNU student/IFFI episode for the salesgirl/nurse/teacher to raise their voice if someone suffers a lapse of judgement?

Let that be your bantering subject tonight.

For all those having, possessing, or having read or circulated the Tehelka girl's mail, just try to picture someone who know closely -- a sister, a wife, a mother, a close friend, a girl friend, a friend's close friend, a cousin, a cousin's close friend -- in that lift. Now try and visualise if any of you would have the sense, the courage and the persistence to write that mail.

You know the answer to that too well, don't you?

The only thing that I would want to know is from where does a girl so molested and so traumatised find such calmness in her heart to say just the right thing in just the right words to just the right persons and confide in just the right friends, and then stay the course of the truth and dignity and everything that one elusive thing that each one of us must aspire for - the courage to refuse to be cowed down when one is right? From where?

Neither you nor I know the exact answer to that, and you and I both know that, too well.

Let's All Become Political

Because We All Would Love To Be Environmentalists

To be an environmentalist

is to be political. To ask

about teacher-student ratio 

in government primary schools 

is to be political. To try and 

understand what genetically 

modified foods can do to our

future is to be political. To 

question our law makers about

big dams, about the need for super 

highways, about the malls dotting 

our cities, about the SEZ’s 

everywhere, is political. On this 

environment day, let's all resolve

to be political.

Being political is about being human. 

Rajneeti is not about a Bollywood film. 

It is about us.

Nischay Pal

PUNJAB NEEDS TO become relevant. Every Punjabi wishes for that. "But are we not relevant already," one may ask. The simple answer is, we were. At one time, we were the food grain providers extra ordinary. And on top of that, we are a border state. As long as South Asia remained an unstable zone, we were very relevant.

Academics, students joining a protest against BT BRINJAL at
Panjab University, Chandigarh

Now, with agriculture in stagnation and many other states catching up and becoming food grain providers to the national granary, Punjab is losing its prime relevance.
We are well on our way to become a super power, at least in the region we inhabit. With India and Pakistan no more hyphenated by the world, and certainly not by the United States, we can well forget a full scale war scenario in the near or even distant future.
So even that one aspect of life that made us seriously relevant is now fading away.
With just 13 MPs in the Lok Sabha in coalition times, and with three parties to share the numbers, Punjab is no more relevant even in the one House that matters.
That brings us face to face with a worrying reality: Punjab's intervention in the Indian national political scene is virtually missing.
Unfortunately, an impression seems to have been generated, more because of the force of circumstances than any serious application of mind, that an intervention is possible only through the arena of electoral politics. That leaves only the mainstream hankerers after party tickets as any serious interventionists.
It is time people in Punjab ponder seriously about our missing civil society. Is it not possible to remain relevant without spending scarce and precious resources in election campaigning?
A whole number of engaged institutions involved in the social and religious domain stay away from the elections, as do many bodies in the field of education, culture and intellectual exercises. This is a phenomena seen the world over. Why should Punjab's men of letters, academicians, activists, NGOs not prefer to avoid being dragged into the dirty cesspool of electoral politics?
Some will call it the right approach as our politicians have little use for men of intellect or those making any real contribution towards the community and society but it will be naive to think that such a deduction is absolutely right.
A community's political life is more nuanced and subtle than a simple rejection of the election process or a decision to stay away from it, at least proactively, and confine oneself to merely trudging to the polling booth and casting our votes.
Democracy is not merely about casting the vote. That is a reductionist view of democracy that the politicians have or love. Entrenched interests in Punjab have deliberately reduced the definition of democracy to a so-called gift to the people of an ability to vote every five years. Punjabis need to interpret the democratic notions more broadly and see the ways in which one can engage oneself with the democratic process.
We see in Punjab that the political parties often do not take a stand on issues that impact our lives but make much noise about certain other issues. This happens because we do not have engaged activists and a concerned media that asks the right questions.
For example, what is the Akali Dal's stand on Foreign Direct Investment caps in media sector? Or the Samajwadi Party's stand on the Sri Lanka question? What do we know about the Bahujan Samaj Party's stand on the Kashmir issue? Will Sardar Rattan Singh Ajnala please tell us his view on the big dams, since he has a vote in Parliament? And what is Navjot Singh Sidhu's view on Copenhagen's failures?
Parties at the state level think they can afford to simply stay mum and not have a view on most matters and they have coached their electorate in such ways that there is no pressure on them to spell out their policy.
But must that be the Punjabis' approach? Should we not question more sharply so that at least we force political parties to send better equipped men and women to Parliament who can draft laws and vote on them with some visible grey matter usage?
All we need to do is to make ourselves aware of the issues and then understand that  electoral politics is not the only way to make an intervention in politics. Of the many ways of making a meaningful change through politics, the electoral politics is only one. There are umpteen examples of how a meaningful change can be made in the realm of ideation and in pursuing policy matters. A movement on the political front may not necessarily come through the electoral arena. Our politicians, or at least most of them, are masters of the political electoral arena which has place only for the corrupted and the degenerate. We are all aware of the role of money, muscle and mafia in the elections, and the story remains the same not just in the Lok Sabha polls but also Assembly, municipal committees and even panchayat elections.
Let us look at the ways in which people have impacted the political debate in India without being sucked into the vortex of dirty electioneering. Look at the work of Aruna Roy, a Chennai-born self-less Indian political and social activist who quit the IAS in mid-70s and is known for her campaigns to better the lives of the rural poor and empowered millions in Rajasthan through successful enactment of Rajasthan Right to Information Act and is largely credited with the success of RTI Act across India. This Magsaysay Award winner has impacted the course of political debate in India more than anyone among us.
Consider Jean Drèze, a development economist of Belgian origin who along with Amartya Sen has extensively engaged with issues of rural poverty, famine, policy reforms etc and has empowered millions with his relentless work on an employment guarantee scheme in India which ensures work for the poor.
All those who are behind a scheme like the NREGA are people who have made a significant contribution towards saving hundreds of thousands of lives and are giving hope to millions. It is easy to sit back and blast NREGA if one if one is devoid of the notions of poverty but for those who know Indian politics, it should be clear that the RTI and NREGA are two center pieces of a work that has been pushed by people essentially outside the electoral arena.
Men like Rajendra Singh, the well known water conservationist from Alwar, Rajasthan who won the Ramon Magsaysay Award for community leadership for his pioneering work in water management and holy men like Baba Balbir Singh Seechewal and Sant Sewa Singh of Khadoor Sahib can impact the terms of political debate in Punjab more than the lip service being paid by the politicians to the falling ground water table and the state of our rivers.
Where are the civil society activists working to save Punjab? Had a political party been working single-mindedly to focus on the state of our government-run schools, it would have meant more for the people than the filibustering on umpteen issues. We hardly have a proactive NGO other than Seechewal's efforts or that of the Kheti Virasat Mission on the environment front.
Politics is changing, and also changing are the ways in which one is seen as political. For far too long we have remained stuck in a groove in which talking about certain issues is considered politics and rest be damned.
It is time that we became political, time that we understood that Rajinder Singh's ideas of saving and harvesting water, Seechewal's resistance to dumping industrial waste into rivers, all the talk about environment, Umendra Dutt's loud protests against Bt Brinjal and chemical fertilisers are not just about environment; they are hugely political interventions. These actions will be deciding our politics. Punjab's politicians are pushing the envelope on the neo-liberal urban centric model of development which is leaving out and aside the teeming millions. Across India, more than eight million people have been pushed out of agriculture and there is no record or study of where they went and what they are doing. In Punjab, apathy has replaced the feeling of ennui which replaced the feeling of guilt whenever the number of people who committed suicide is mentioned. Every 30 minutes in India, one farmer has been committing suicide since 1997 (that is, ever since the government started collecting data). That the data itself is highly conservative and deliberately understated is a separate story. In Punjab, one farmer commits suicide every day, as per the latest data being compiled by the Punjab Agricultural University, Ludhiana.
Those who have been demanding land reforms, the farmers who know the best how to save the environment are at the receiving end. The corporate media in Punjab has remained completely silent after the day light murder of a tall farmer leader.
Has any political party made an issue of the fact that thousands seemed to have committed suicide at a time when Punjab revenue records, cited by the state government, showed merely 130 suicides? To be an environmentalist is to be political. To ask about teacher-student ratio in government primary schools is to be political. To try and understand what genetically modified foods can do to our future is to be political.
On this environment day, let's all resolve to be political.

(Readers can obtain old issue of PUNJAB TODAY  by writing to Editor-in-Chief, mentioning the issue number or the article. You can 

Politics Sans Morality

Bir Devinder Singh

The unrest among different sections of the society and the bloodshed being indulged in violence engineered by terrorist outfits is a challenge that the leadership in our country faces today. It is indicative of a deep rooted malaise of intolerance. What breeds intolerance and who is responsible for this? Why the golden principles of democracy seem going asunder? Have the people lost faith in the values the democratic set up represents? The answer is certainly 'No'. One needs to think dispassionately with clinical precision.
    The fact that it is happening at a time when people at the top of our political pyramid are doubtlessly the gems of our times is all the more ironic. We have people leading the country who have demonstrated beyond even a whiff of doubt qualities of selflessness and monumental integrity.

The speech on the inauguration of the State of Nagaland on December 1, 1963 by late Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishanan, the second President of India, clearly lays down the ground rules of governance: "The rule of law and government by the consent of the governed are the essence of democracy. Government must be the custodian of the general welfare of the people and not of any special interest. The government must capture the hearts and the minds of the people…."  In the days of yore, our national leaders used to keep a direct line to the people, a direct channel of communication. They did not let the so-called "threat perceptions" to come between them and the people. Perhaps it was because of such an approach that the people also reciprocated. They would suffer the vagaries of nature to welcome their leaders, not because someone had organized and arranged a roadshow but because someone was out to get to know the people intimately.
Today, the leaders in top governmental posts are playing into the hands of such people who have established a proximity through shady methods but whom the people have not accepted because of their black deeds. These are the second rung leaders who have attained this position through "number two" deals in trade and business. They are looking for more comfortable abodes and are trying their hand at politics as their chosen vocation. They are throwing crores into the business of politics and are managing to get into state legislatures or the Parliament. Once there, the nexus between politics and money becomes only stronger. They become proxy for their feudal political bosses. Such an approach to politics isolates the teeming millions who were to be stakeholders in democracy.
The leaders on the top rung are thus lost to the people whom they govern. When people cry because of policies that inflict untold miseries on them, their voice does not even reach the political top hierarchy because the entire system of communication channels collapses by then.
 The above new class of neo-rich politicians is joined by the bureaucrats as well as people in the judiciary. Even the bureaucrats are being convicted for amassing ill-gotten wealth whereas the political leaders in the country who set the wheels of corruption into motion and make no secret of it by displaying the ill-gotten fortunes, go scot free.
If a whistle blower raises an alarm, more often than not it is the whistle blower himself who gets the stick, a tribute to the kind of pimping that has crept into the system. Even the charges as serious as wholesale massacre of minorities take decades to bring the perpetrators of such heinous crime to justice. Appallingly, the people going to the Courts in the hope for justice get judgments but not justice. Generations after generations feel trampled in their fight in the courts due to the snail-paced process of justice delivery system. Those who can manage money to pay the hefty fees of lawyers render the doctrine of "Equality before Law" redundant for the poor underprivileged classes in the country.
I wish there were no sympathizers for the demons of corruption but that seems to be a wishful thinking. The cancerous growth of corruption in the system has eaten up the vitals of all the three organs of the democratic government i.e. the Legislature, the Executive and the Judiciary. Fortunately, the only silver lining exists due to the emergence of the fourth pillar - the Press. It has braved all allurements and maintained the confidence of the masses, fearlessly unearthing the scams and scandals paralyzing the working of the other three wings of the Government. The clean politics itself is becoming a utopian wish. The vitiated atmosphere all around makes the honest living a curse. The confluence of circumstances surrounding a common man has convinced the people that except money, no other consideration works for someone who has legitimate aspirations to play a role in politics. The things have now reached such a pass where the people have started hating the very term 'politician'. This clearly is the outcome of a vacuum between the people and their leaders. In this paradigm of politics without morality, we are seeing the emergence and empowerment of pseudo-leaders who are far removed from ground realities and are busy amassing wealth and comforts. Their pursuits are marked by insensitivity towards the concerns of their electorate.
Such a class of leaders has no qualms about the fact that they are facing trial for corruption charges in courts. Instead, they are happy to  attend such court hearings by arriving in chartered aircrafts. On display is not humility before law but the abundance of their resources. Rousing receptions that clearly take millions to be arranged have become the order of the day. That receptiosn mark the entry of the leader into the court premises or while he walks out after n'th such appearance says something about our politics.
 The first casualty in this entire scheme of things is the ground level worker, the first line of interaction of the party with the people. He has no contact with the top leader. He knows what's wrong but the channel through which that information was to flow upwards stands destroyed. The spirited workers of parties, all parties, feel cheated, disgruntled and starved of ideological living because their voice is lost in the din of these money minting political bosses.
 Names like that of Mahatma Gandhi, Jawahar Lal Nehru, Lal Bahadur Shashtri, Sardar Patel and Maulana Azad are invoked by those who do not even have a passing acquaintance with the ideals espoused by these leaders. The Mafiosi only besmirch the names of these saints by uttering them from their lips.
Every unrest in the country is viewed from a rather queer angle. Instead of looking at the root cause of the social problems, the neo rich politicians coin different and ready catch phrases that offer ready-made solutions to their bosses by dubbing unrests with clichéd terms like Naxalites, Maoists, Militancy etc.. This makes it possible to turn a blind eye without seeming even guilty for failure to comprehend the real cause of such unrests.
 Leaders have lost contact with the masses because of walls created by minions who have managed to become their lieutenants through unfair and unprincipled routes. Once the aspirations of the masses find no apt expression in the system of governance, they are propelled to adopt the last painful resort - violence.
 It is with much humility that I beg and solicit the kind indulgence of the leaders of the political parties to read the writing on the wall. It is possible for you to dust away this new class of neo-rich political feudals and put an end to political slavery. If you do not act now, even this option will be lost since these parasites are becoming increasingly strong. The leaders must realize that such a class of politicians is injecting the venom of hubris which is overwhelmingly present in their working attitude. A golden rule for any leader is to preserve his humility which is possible only in the field with the men one is privileged to lead. Give a sympathetic hearing to the critics within the party who take the cudgels to call a spade a spade. Hail those who call a spade a bloody shovel. Sometimes voice of dissent is motivated by the practical wisdom and manifestation of the conscience of the critic and does not always qualify to be treated within the parameters of contempt by the authorities that be.
If the most legitimate aspirations of people even after 60 years of independence remain unsatisfied, the nation may plunge headlong into civil war between the 'haves' and the 'have-nots". You will not even get to know the bitter realities gnawing away at the roots of the political system should you chose to listen and see only what is served through a system of sieves set up by political minions. Be bold, venture out and establish direct public contact. Out there are people dying to be heard.
The voice of disagreement is proving to be a curse for humble and committed workers in the present day political system. The sifting of information should be done at level of the people who are known for their integrity and not left to the interpretation of a coterie of vested interests who often gather around the leadership. It is time the humble workers are made part of the thought process as against the system of decision making where the politicians, the contractors, the bus permit wallah, the cement wallah, the sand quarrying syndicate and the liquor vend monolpolists sit together to decide how to make the state progress. Their idea of progress is not the people's idea of progress.
 When an individual blunders, it is unfortunate and it affects the fortunes of a family but when a leader as a ruler fails, his failure has the potential to adversely affect the future of the nation and such a failure becomes a national tragedy. We need to remedy the situation we are apprehending today. The morality and value system must find its due place in the stream of our polity. Otherwise, we are doomed today, and shall stay doomed tomorrow.

See how India is fighting against poverty with buckets of paint?

Poverty in these parts comes color-coded. 
Exactly how poor one is, is painted right on 
the front wall of the house. As the Indian elite
display utter lack of sensitivity, the poor have
little choice but to watch their poverty turned 
into a town square tamasha. 

Ravleen Kaur


In the Jungle Books of Rudyard Kipling, Seoni in Madhya Pradesh seems far more romantic than it does on the ground where poverty figures shame many a sub-Saharan nations. But perhaps Seoni's administrators have a special talent for slapping some egg on their face.
In order to embarrass people who, as per the perception of the admninistrators, did not really qualify for being beneficiaries of Below Poverty Line benefits like cheaper rations or kerosene oil, the authorities took a decision to paint outside each poor man's house "Main Gareeb Hoon" alongside his BPL card number.
Certain houses were marked with "Yeh Ghar Gareeb Hai" (This household is poor) and still others, apparently covered under the Antyodaya scheme, with "Yeh Ghar Atee Gareeb Hai" (This household is very poor) outside the main door.
The administrators said the step is meant to weed out the non-qualifying BPL card holders as they will then rush to get their names deleted. Clearly, poverty was being linked not with bad luck or lack of resources and opportunities but with the idea of shame. If you are poor, you ought to be ashamed. If you are called poor, and you can afford to forego the label, you would rush to do so.
Now, the BPL families of Gopalganj village in Seoni have taken offence to these "I am poor" declarations and the panchayats in several villages are effacing the same. In earlier such incidents, protests by dalits and BSP activists had led to the markings being painted over.
Collector Manohar Dube claimed the campaign was meant to target fake beneficiaries.
Even as the society elite display utter lack of sensitivity, the poor have little choice. If they resist and ask that their poverty not be made a matter of town square tamasha, they will lose out on the little ration that could be crucial to them.
In Narsinghpur in Madhya Pradesh, and now in Seoni, the poverty is being paraded on the front walls. Much thought has gone into devising these pernicious plans.
In the Karera and Tendukheda tehsils, the branding of the poor as ‘Yeh parivar garib hai’ was in blue letters on a white background and ‘Yeh parivar ati garib hai’ in yellow letters on white, corresponding with the blue cards issued to BPL families, and yellow cards issued to the ‘poorest of the poor’ eligible for the Antodaya Anna Yojana. The colour-coded poverty-driven public humiliation of the poor has elicited little reaction from India's civil society.
Shockingly, such devious methods to deprive a few people of meagre benefits come at a time when, 25 years after Rajiv Gandhi said that for every rupee sent to the common man, only 17 paise reached him, Planning Commission deputy chairman Montek Singh Ahluwalia claims that even now, a Plan panel study on PDS recently found that only 16 paise out of a rupee was reaching the targeted poor.
But when administrators are being so clever in counting the "poor" and the "too poor" accurately, even splashing poverty paint on their front walls, the latest data onpoverty has brought out how callous the Indian demographers and poverty fighters have been in counting.
Recently, the Indian poor were recounted and it has been found that their ranks have swelled. With a new definition of poverty kicking in, 38 per cent of India's population is now officially below the poverty line, instead of 28.5 per cent.
A family of five with an income of less than Rs 3,000 a month in urban and Rs 2,250 in rural areas should be considered poor, a report of the Planning Commission, suggesting fresh criteria for determining how poverty should be defined, has said.
At present, using standards laid down in 1998, an urban family earning Rs 2,200 per month or less and a rural family earning Rs 1,650 or less is 'poor'. The raised bar will lead to many more people being classified poor. While urban poverty will increase slightly from 26 per cent to 28 per cent, rural poverty will jump from 30 per cent to 46 per cent.
The painters of poverty are soon going to need a lot more paint buckets.

Politics Sans Morality

Bir Devinder Singh

The unrest among different sections of the society and the bloodshed being indulged in violence engineered by terrorist outfits is a challenge that the leadership in our country faces today. It is indicative of a deep rooted malaise of intolerance. What breeds intolerance and who is responsible for this? Why the golden principles of democracy seem going asunder? Have the people lost faith in the values the democratic set up represents? The answer is certainly 'No'. One needs to think dispassionately with clinical precision.
    The fact that it is happening at a time when people at the top of our political pyramid are doubtlessly the gems of our times is all the more ironic. We have people leading the country who have demonstrated beyond even a whiff of doubt qualities of selflessness and monumental integrity.

The speech on the inauguration of the State of Nagaland on December 1, 1963 by late Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishanan, the second President of India, clearly lays down the ground rules of governance: "The rule of law and government by the consent of the governed are the essence of democracy. Government must be the custodian of the general welfare of the people and not of any special interest. The government must capture the hearts and the minds of the people…."  In the days of yore, our national leaders used to keep a direct line to the people, a direct channel of communication. They did not let the so-called "threat perceptions" to come between them and the people. Perhaps it was because of such an approach that the people also reciprocated. They would suffer the vagaries of nature to welcome their leaders, not because someone had organized and arranged a roadshow but because someone was out to get to know the people intimately.
Today, the leaders in top governmental posts are playing into the hands of such people who have established a proximity through shady methods but whom the people have not accepted because of their black deeds. These are the second rung leaders who have attained this position through "number two" deals in trade and business. They are looking for more comfortable abodes and are trying their hand at politics as their chosen vocation. They are throwing crores into the business of politics and are managing to get into state legislatures or the Parliament. Once there, the nexus between politics and money becomes only stronger. They become proxy for their feudal political bosses. Such an approach to politics isolates the teeming millions who were to be stakeholders in democracy.
The leaders on the top rung are thus lost to the people whom they govern. When people cry because of policies that inflict untold miseries on them, their voice does not even reach the political top hierarchy because the entire system of communication channels collapses by then.
 The above new class of neo-rich politicians is joined by the bureaucrats as well as people in the judiciary. Even the bureaucrats are being convicted for amassing ill-gotten wealth whereas the political leaders in the country who set the wheels of corruption into motion and make no secret of it by displaying the ill-gotten fortunes, go scot free.
If a whistle blower raises an alarm, more often than not it is the whistle blower himself who gets the stick, a tribute to the kind of pimping that has crept into the system. Even the charges as serious as wholesale massacre of minorities take decades to bring the perpetrators of such heinous crime to justice. Appallingly, the people going to the Courts in the hope for justice get judgments but not justice. Generations after generations feel trampled in their fight in the courts due to the snail-paced process of justice delivery system. Those who can manage money to pay the hefty fees of lawyers render the doctrine of "Equality before Law" redundant for the poor underprivileged classes in the country.
I wish there were no sympathizers for the demons of corruption but that seems to be a wishful thinking. The cancerous growth of corruption in the system has eaten up the vitals of all the three organs of the democratic government i.e. the Legislature, the Executive and the Judiciary. Fortunately, the only silver lining exists due to the emergence of the fourth pillar - the Press. It has braved all allurements and maintained the confidence of the masses, fearlessly unearthing the scams and scandals paralyzing the working of the other three wings of the Government. The clean politics itself is becoming a utopian wish. The vitiated atmosphere all around makes the honest living a curse. The confluence of circumstances surrounding a common man has convinced the people that except money, no other consideration works for someone who has legitimate aspirations to play a role in politics. The things have now reached such a pass where the people have started hating the very term 'politician'. This clearly is the outcome of a vacuum between the people and their leaders. In this paradigm of politics without morality, we are seeing the emergence and empowerment of pseudo-leaders who are far removed from ground realities and are busy amassing wealth and comforts. Their pursuits are marked by insensitivity towards the concerns of their electorate.
Such a class of leaders has no qualms about the fact that they are facing trial for corruption charges in courts. Instead, they are happy to  attend such court hearings by arriving in chartered aircrafts. On display is not humility before law but the abundance of their resources. Rousing receptions that clearly take millions to be arranged have become the order of the day. That receptiosn mark the entry of the leader into the court premises or while he walks out after n'th such appearance says something about our politics.
 The first casualty in this entire scheme of things is the ground level worker, the first line of interaction of the party with the people. He has no contact with the top leader. He knows what's wrong but the channel through which that information was to flow upwards stands destroyed. The spirited workers of parties, all parties, feel cheated, disgruntled and starved of ideological living because their voice is lost in the din of these money minting political bosses.
 Names like that of Mahatma Gandhi, Jawahar Lal Nehru, Lal Bahadur Shashtri, Sardar Patel and Maulana Azad are invoked by those who do not even have a passing acquaintance with the ideals espoused by these leaders. The Mafiosi only besmirch the names of these saints by uttering them from their lips.
Every unrest in the country is viewed from a rather queer angle. Instead of looking at the root cause of the social problems, the neo rich politicians coin different and ready catch phrases that offer ready-made solutions to their bosses by dubbing unrests with clichéd terms like Naxalites, Maoists, Militancy etc.. This makes it possible to turn a blind eye without seeming even guilty for failure to comprehend the real cause of such unrests.
 Leaders have lost contact with the masses because of walls created by minions who have managed to become their lieutenants through unfair and unprincipled routes. Once the aspirations of the masses find no apt expression in the system of governance, they are propelled to adopt the last painful resort - violence.
 It is with much humility that I beg and solicit the kind indulgence of the leaders of the political parties to read the writing on the wall. It is possible for you to dust away this new class of neo-rich political feudals and put an end to political slavery. If you do not act now, even this option will be lost since these parasites are becoming increasingly strong. The leaders must realize that such a class of politicians is injecting the venom of hubris which is overwhelmingly present in their working attitude. A golden rule for any leader is to preserve his humility which is possible only in the field with the men one is privileged to lead. Give a sympathetic hearing to the critics within the party who take the cudgels to call a spade a spade. Hail those who call a spade a bloody shovel. Sometimes voice of dissent is motivated by the practical wisdom and manifestation of the conscience of the critic and does not always qualify to be treated within the parameters of contempt by the authorities that be.
If the most legitimate aspirations of people even after 60 years of independence remain unsatisfied, the nation may plunge headlong into civil war between the 'haves' and the 'have-nots". You will not even get to know the bitter realities gnawing away at the roots of the political system should you chose to listen and see only what is served through a system of sieves set up by political minions. Be bold, venture out and establish direct public contact. Out there are people dying to be heard.
The voice of disagreement is proving to be a curse for humble and committed workers in the present day political system. The sifting of information should be done at level of the people who are known for their integrity and not left to the interpretation of a coterie of vested interests who often gather around the leadership. It is time the humble workers are made part of the thought process as against the system of decision making where the politicians, the contractors, the bus permit wallah, the cement wallah, the sand quarrying syndicate and the liquor vend monolpolists sit together to decide how to make the state progress. Their idea of progress is not the people's idea of progress.
 When an individual blunders, it is unfortunate and it affects the fortunes of a family but when a leader as a ruler fails, his failure has the potential to adversely affect the future of the nation and such a failure becomes a national tragedy. We need to remedy the situation we are apprehending today. The morality and value system must find its due place in the stream of our polity. Otherwise, we are doomed today, and shall stay doomed tomorrow.

Marching on Chandigarh

The insistence on holding protests at Matka Chowk can be explained by the fact that the activists are adamant that their voice is not meant for the dead at the cremation site but for the government, for the citizenry and for the media. They don't come to wake up the dead. They want to wake up the motionless apathetic rulers.


Nischay Pal

In their march to constantly shrink and eliminate any democratic spaces  for raising the people's voice, our democratically elected governments and administrations continuously try to push the boundaries.
The onslaught does not come only in the form of raising the heights of dams and drowning villages in reservoir waters, or beating people to pulp to get land for dream projects a la Nano at Nandigram. Such fights are being imposed on people in every state, town, village.
In Chandigarh, home to three governments besides being capital of Punjab and Haryana, farmers of neither state can come to protest that their legitimate, long pending demands were not even being considered properly.
But asking the farmers not to protest would have earned the Chandigarh administration the tag of being undemocratic. In these times of media-spinning and well-articulated attacks, the Chandigarh Administration has found a way to stiffle democratic voice of the farmers but this time with the help of the citizenry.
In the largely well educated and middle/upper middle class Chandigarh, it has hinged its entire line of argumentation about how the march of farmers through the heart of the city will spoil the beauty of the capital region, inconvenience the local population and creates traffic snarls, stoppages and blockade, lasting hours.

Chandigarh's media, whose bias is only too well known, has not much independent thought. (And we are only referring to the institutional stance, not that of reporters/journalists whose idea and views on the subject are much more progressive and diverse.) Most newspapers have taken the editorial line that the farmers and other interest groups must gather for any protests at the Sector 25 site earmarked by the administration for the purpose.
The Sector 25 site is next to a crematorium, completely removed from the daily life of the city, away from the eyes of the people. It is easier for farmers to gather there, raise slogans, and then disperse, without anyone noticing them. And the very purpose of protests is to pressurise the government through public exposure.
One would have thought that the point of public protest is that such a gathering or protest will expose before the people how the government has been wronging its own citizens. If such an exposure is to take place in an isolated place, next only to where the dead are burnt, which sensible human being expects the government to even listen, forget about being shamed?
Matka Chowk belongs as much to residents of Chandigarh as to every citizen of this country.

In a front page report in its city edition, the Hindustan Times said under the provocative and accusatory title 'They ran amok, now they're back', that the Bharatiya Kisan Union (BKU) workers had "ransacked the city last year" and "will return for a similar protest on July 26."
In any other country, a journalist would have thought that he or she will be held responsible for deducing that the farmers were indeed guilty of a crime no less than ransacking the city last year. Ransacking the city?
The BKU activists have said that they are not prepared to accept that the rulers will decide where they should gather to raise a cry for justice. The fact that the administration has earmarked a far off place is a dead giveaway of the intentions: those who are crying for justice must not be seen or heard in public places that are too prominent.
There are also serious insinuations that the pro-activity of the Chandigarh administration and police is due to the pressure from a five star hotel near Matka Chowk that does not want milling crowds of rather shabbily dressed farmers to be seen from its windows.
The BKU leaders have clearly told the administration that the protesters will march from Sector 17 to the Punjab Vidhan Sabha. On the other hand, the administration seems adamant on not allowing the marchers into the city except Sector 25.
Ram Niwas, UT Home Secretary, is taking the lead in this connection. Even last year, he had claimed that since demonstrators and protesters of the Bharti Kisan Union and PSEB employees had ran amok without any permission from the administration to hold a rally, the neighbouring states must intercept the movement of such demonstrators at the borders of Chandigarh.
The entire issue assumes a highly provocative context, considering that Punjab's rural folks backed the protests for trans5fer of Chandigarh to Punjab for decades. Political parties across the board pay lip service to Punjab's right over Chandigarh, but here are a bunch of officials who do not want to even allow protestors from Punjab into Chandigarh.
The violent scenes were witnessed only for a day in 2009 but the administration's move to shift out the protests pre-dates such scenes by several years. Even at Matka Chowk, one has seen the police unleashing water cannons and severe lathicharge on unarmed protesters. One can only imagine what will happen at an isolated place in Sector 25.
Clearly, Chandigarh seems to have been completely lost to Punjab. A local English daily wrote highly provocative anti-farmers' editorial, and strongly argued that protests must be confined away from the seat of power at the Secretariat and from the eyes of the general public. What the media, so eager to not allow the picture postcard beauty of Chandigarh to be spoiled even for a few hours, is failing to focus on are the reasons why thousands of farmers are forced to leave their villages to converge upon Chandigarh.
The right of the affected people, activists, farmers, teachers, labourers, unions and political parties to hold a dharna in front of the Secretariat or at Chandigarh's Matka Chowk or anywhere else cannot be taken away by the police or officialdom in the name of maintaining smooth traffic flow. If that is the reason, then there has to be a nationwide policy.
What the Chandigarh administration is saying is that citizens of Mohali or Kharar or Panchkula or any other place, for that matter, can be held to ransom but not those of Chandigarh. This is a dangerous argument, and hardly bodes well for the citizens of Chandigarh, who, one is sure, have far more progressive idea about democratic struggles.
That a section of the media is fully backing the police instead of the affected citizen asking for his rights has been lost on the politicians.
Unfortunately, Punjab's ruling Akali Dal has maintained a deafening silence on the issue of the police and the administration banning any protests in Chandigarh.
It may be mentioned that after last year's violence, the police had gone on a vengeance spree. Teams of Chandigarh police had raided many places in Punjab and had caught and arrested farmer leaders and embroiled them in petty multiple cases. The police were shameless to make clear that their strategy was to exhaust the leaders in getting bail for themselves in one after the other case.
Cases were registered against unnamed farmers for damaging public property, assault on public servants, attempt to murder and rioting.
In its highly provocative and one-sided editorial damning the farmers, The Tribune had then called the visibly poor protesting farmers a "a veritable mob" who, it said, "beat up the badly outnumbered police officials and commandos...teased women and caused mayhem."
Not even the newspapers' own reporters had reported any instance of farmers teasing women, and no newspaper has ever reported in the past protest groups indulging in such behavior. Clearly, the editorial betrayed a mindset: "Many of the protesters were heavily drunk and made a nuisance of themselves wherever they went. If this can happen in the capital of two states, Punjab and Haryana, and the UT, one can well imagine what havoc marauding mobs can cause in mofussil towns."
So what does such a section of the media think about the farmers in "mofussil towns"? That they tease women, drink and make a nuisance of themselves? Such is the media's understanding of our rural folk? The newspaper was angry that the protesters were allowed into the city and said "it was the administration’s duty to keep them away from the centre of the city."
"The organisers...must be given due punishment for this unpardonable act...it should not be too difficult to identify the actual criminals also and to punish them severely. If they get away with what they did, they can be depended on to repeat their activities. As it is, they have all been coming to Chandigarh way too often to disrupt normal activity and hold the capital to ransom at the slightest provocation."
In better evolved democracies, protests are allowed in places where perhaps the Chandigarh administration would have issued shoot at sight orders. It will be pretty sobering to note that at a time when the Chandigarh administration disallowed farmers or teachers to hold a protest at Matka Chowk, the French government chose to allow environmental activists to not only protest at the Eiffel Tower but to even add a nuclear hazard symbol right in the middle of a ring of golden European Union stars on the Eiffel Tower. The stars were sponsored by French state nuclear company Areva to mark France's term as EU president.
With the Punjab Governor losing charge, and a new generation of Punjabis never having heard 'Khiriya Phul Gulab Da, Chandigarh Punjab Da', one can well imagine the wages we will have to pay to raise a slogan near Matka Chowk. So much for having a capital! It is time the capital learnt a bit more about the mofussil towns.
The UT administration claims that it has made sure that the Sector 25 site has all arrangements for water and toilets for protesters. Could it be that our rulers are so dumb that they think farmers swoop down on Chandigarh every year for a sip of water, or to relieve themselves?
If the protesters are insisting on holding their rally in Sector 17, it is because they are adamant that their voice is not meant for the dead at the cremation site but for the government, for the citizenry and for such sections of the media. They don't come to wake up the dead. They want to wake up the motionless apathetic officialdom.
There are none so blind as those who won't see, and there are none so deaf as those who won't listen.
But there is no reason for those sworn to democratic struggles stop trying to make the blind see, the deaf hear and the prejudiced understand.

PUNJAB TODAY July 24-30, 2010 FRONT PAGE - THE MOTHER OF ALL FRAUDS - Rs 80,000 Crore

The Great Rajasthan Loot

TOP EXPERT IN INTER-STATE DISPUTES, PRITAM SINGH KUMEDAN BRINGS OUT THIS SHOCKING STORY

Right from the PM, they were all party to it. Plans were drafted overnight and Punjab was told it will get compensation for its waters later from Rajasthan. No one disputes that. Now that rough estimates show Punjab has been looted to the extent of Rs 80,000 crore by Rajasthan, will our politicians wake up and act? 

Punjab must reclaim its Rs 80,000 Crore from Rajasthan

This is the great rip off trick played upon Punjab. For several decades now, Rajasthan has been using waters from Punjab’s rivers, waters for which it was to pay, for which it had agreed to pay. Everything is a matter of record. Documents are available, and experts have the same view on it. Yet, when Punjab made a demand for royalty for the waters, such hue and cry was raised. Inter-state disputes expert Pritam Singh Kumedan lifts the veil. 

For far too long, Punjab has been demanding royalty for the river waters that it has given to Rajasthan. Even the highly controversial Punjab Termination of Agreements Act 2004 included a clause, called Clause 5, that provided legal cover for the continuous flow of these waters to Rajasthan. But it is not even the case of Rajasthan, or anyone else for that matter, that these waters were not to be paid for.

In fact, as this article will prove clearly and convincingly, the state of Rajasthan was to pay for these waters and the cost was to be calculated later as the agreement of 1955 was reached in a hurry because of an international aspect of the waters problem. 

Pritam Singh Kumedan

For too many decades, Punjab has been fighting with Haryana over the SYL canal, and the entire dispute over waters has been reduced into a Punjab versus Haryana binary but one very important part of the dispute has been left uncommented upon, and has completely moved outside the public or the media gaze. So much so that even the experts dealing with the river waters issue and questions of availability of waters in Ravi and Beas have not been heard talking about this aspect.

The recent demand by Punjab Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal and the concomitant expression of 

disagreements from Haryana have triggered the debate but the latest spat between the two states over the floods induced by a couple of days of rain should not be allowed to obscure the very, very important aspect of the royalty debate. While 'royalty' is a term used by Mr Badal, we are merely concerned about the cost and compensation for the water that is, and has been, flowing into Rajasthan from Punjab. 

But first, some historical facts need to be gone into. The story is thrilling, to say the least, if you care to stick with the narrative

In the Conference held on 29 January 1955 under the Chairmanship of Gulzari Lal Nanda, the then Union Irrigation and Power Minister, it was decided to give 8.0 M.A.F. of Ravi-Beas waters to Rajasthan. Nowhere was it said that the water is to be given free-of-cost. 

In fact, it was specifically decided that the cost of water will be worked out separately by the concerned states since the Conference was concerned only with distribution of water. This cost of water that has gone to Rajasthan has not been calculated so far, and it is this cost that we plan to put a rough ball park figure to, as suggested by experts.

About 40 crore Acre feet (400 M.A.F.) of water has gone to Rajasthan from Punjab's rivers over the last 40 years. 

Besides this, Punjab also has to be compensated for the depletion of 40 crore acre feet of its sub-soil water and the cost of electricity for pumping out this water. 

But under what circumstances was the water actually allocated to Rajasthan? 

The Pre-partition story

After the Partition of the country in 1947, a "Standstill Agreement" for maintaining the pre-Partition allocation of water to West Punjab was signed in December 1947 at Shimla between East Punjab and West Punjab governments. This Agreement was to expire on 31 March, 1948, unless renewed. In spite of reminders, West Punjab did not bother to get it renewed. On April 1, 1948, East Punjab cut off water supplies to Upper Bari Doab Canal, taking off from Madhopur, and Dipalpur Canal, taking off from the right bank Ferozepur headworks. The result was that Lahore city was deprived of its main source of water supply and 8% of culturable command area in West Pakistan found itself without water. 

S. Swaran Singh was then the Irrigation Minister and S. Swarup Singh was Chief Engineer of East Punjab. 

This water tap to Pakistan was turned off without making any reference to the Central Government. No wonder, this cutting off of water supplies led to great resentment in Pakistan and a war-like situation developed between the two countries. 

Eventually, the West Punjab Government sent two Chief Engineers to Shimla for negotiating a new agreement. A new agreement valid up to October 1948 was signed on 18 April 1948, in which East Punjab asserted that as per Punjab Partition (Apportionment of Assets and Liabilities) Order, 1947, and the Arbitral Award, the proprietary rights in the waters of Ravi, Beas and Sutlej rest wholly in East Punjab government and that West Punjab shall have to pay seigniorage charges (water royalty) for supply of water to CBDC (i.e. Pakistan portion of UBDC) and Dipalpur Canals. West Punjab Chief Engineers agreed and signed the agreement. Subsequently, an agreement more or less along similar lines was signed between the two Dominion Governments on May 4, 1948 at New Delhi. 

This Agreement was signed on behalf of India by Prime Minister Jawahar Lal Nehru, N. V. Gadgil, Minister for Works, Mines and Power, Government of India and Swaran Singh, Minister of Irrigation East Punjab. On behalf of Pakistan, it was signed by Ghulam Mohd, Minister of Finance, Government of Pakistan and Shaukat Hyat Khan and Mumtaz Daultana, both Ministers of West Punjab. 

Pakistan agreed to pay for water to East Punjab an amount that was to be specified by Prime Minister of India and deposit the same in the Reserve Bank of India. After some time, Pakistan started back-tracking on the agreement on the ground that it was signed under duress and is, therefore, not legally binding. India registered the agreement with U.N.O. on 10 May 1950. Pakistan, subsequently, terminated it unilaterally. 

As the water dispute was leading to great tension between the two countries and could have led to war, the World Bank stepped in and offered its "good offices" to settle the dispute, an offer that was accepted by both India and Pakistan in March 1952. 

In May,1948 after signing the agreement, Pakistan started digging a new supply channel on the right bank of Sutlej, five miles upstream of Ferozepur headworks (where both banks of Sutlej fall in Pakistan) to connect it directly to Dipalpur canal. India took strong objection to this and Pakistan, therefore, stopped digging the diversion channel in July 1948. 

In May 1948, when Pakistan had posed the threat of by-passing Ferozepur headworks by constructing a new channel from the Sutlej in her territory, just above Ferozepur, East Punjab decided to construct a new barrage at Harike. In April 1949, East Punjab was asked by Central Government to submit at an early date, proposals for the construction of this barrage. 

By the end of 1950, it was decioded that the Harike Barrage Project should include one head-regulator with a capacity of 7000 cusec for the proposed Ferozepur and Sirhind Feeders and another head-regulator, with a capacity of 18,500 cusec, for the proposed Rajasthan Canal. East Punjab also drew up a plan for diverting 20,000 cusec of River Chenab waters to Ravi by constructing a diversion tunnel at Marhu (5 miles downstream the confluence of Chandra and Bhaga). The Harike Barrage was completed in 1952. The intake gates of the 7000 cusecs Ferozepur-Sirhind feeder and 18,500 cusecs Rajasthan Feeder Canal were sealed with masonry until the feeder and part of the Rajasthan Canal were ready for use. 

Central Govt's Fraud with Punjab   

Although, the decision to give 8 MAF of Ravi-Beas waters to Rajasthan was taken only on 29.1.1955 in the conference held under the Chairmanship of Gulzari Lal Nanda, Union Irrigation Minister, it seems the GoI had already made up its mind and taken all necessary steps to give Ravi-Beas waters to Rajasthan in 1949-50 itself when the plan to construct a barrage at Harike was just under consideration. 

Such was the awe and authority of the Central Government and the Planning Commission in those days that an unwilling East Punjab had to bow before illegal dictates of the Centre and agree to give 8 M.A.F. of Ravi-Beas Waters to Rajasthan. Bhim Sen Sachar was the Chief Minister and Ch. Lahiri Singh was the Irrigation Minister of Punjab in 1955. In April 1950, the Government of Rajasthan was asked by Government of India to undertake skeleton surveys of the areas likely to be commanded by a canal to serve parts of Rajasthan from Harike, Rajasthan government refused and the Government of India had, therefore, to get the survey done through its own agency. 

N. D. Guihati, in his monumental work, "Indus Waters Treaty", observes:

"It would be interesting to recall here that East Punjab preferred at that time to go ahead with the Bhakhra Dam rather than with the Bhakhra Canal and had almost to be forced by the Planning Commission, in which I was the Chief of the Natural Resources Division, to give the Canal a higher priority. At the same time, not only was East Punjab somewhat hesitant about schemes which would take the waters of the Indus rivers outside East Punjab into Rajasthan but also,  and surprisingly, the then Government of Rajasthan was averse to undertaking investigations for the Rajasthan Canal as it feared that, in the event of an adverse decision with regard to the use of these waters, Rajasthan might not be able to derive any benefit from such investigations. It was, therefore, decided that these investigations be undertaken by an agency of the Government of India and the costs borne by that Government. 

Decision to give 8 M.A.F. Ravi-Beas Waters to Rajasthan 

The decision to allocate almost half of Ravi-Beas Waters to Rajasthan was taken by the Centre at break-neck speed within a period of three weeks as a team of World Bank was to visit Pakistan and India in February,1955 to resolve the Waters dispute between the two countries and each country had to build up a convincing case. N.D. Gulhati, India's Chief negotiator and leader of Indian delegation for negotiating with the World Bank, writes:

"Earlier, at the beginning of January, the Bank had suggested a tour of Indus Basin to begin in the middle of February, to acquaint the new Bank team with the irrigation techniques and problems of the basin…Accordingly we had to be vigilant during the visit not only to counteract efforts of Pakistan but also to emphasize the urgency and importance of irrigation development in the Indus basin in India. Nothing would be as effective, I advised my Government, as concrete steps already taken before the field trip towards utilization in India of the entire flow of the Eastern Rivers. I urged, therefore, that work should begin immediately on the construction of the Rajasthan canal. This would furnish the best proof of India's needs."

"In January 1955, when it had been decided to undertake a study tour of the basin, I wrote from Washington emphasizing the urgency of reaching an interstate agreement and of according sanction to some of the proposed new works. This, I stated, was necessary to bring home to the visiting Bank and Pakistan groups, the need for, and the importance we attached to, the full utilization in India of the waters of the Eastern Rivers. Before the end of January, the necessary agreement between the States was secured by the Minister of Irrigation and Power, Gulzari Lal Nanda, under which 15.85 M.A.F. of the waters of the Ravi and the Beas, based on mean supplies in the two rivers, available over and above the actual pre-partition use in India., was allocated as follows between the States concerned: Jammu and Kashmir 0.65 MAF; PEPSU l.30 MAF; Punjab 5.90 MAF; and Rajasthan 8.00 MAF." 

It may be added here that it was not an 'Agreement' in real sense of the term between the States but only a 'decision' taken in a meeting and that too under duress. 'The decision' was never put up before Punjab Cabinet for approval and in fact was never shown even to the Chief Minister, Punjab. Union Ministry of Irrigation and Power wrote to the States concerned for confirming the minutes of the Meeting and after many reminders from that Ministry, Ch. Lahiri Singh, Irrigation Minister, Punjab, hesitatingly sent only one line reply: "Minutes of the Conference held on 29.1.1955. are confirmed." 

Why Punjab Demanded only 5.9 M.A.F. Waters? 

The Centre had asked the States that white coming to the Conference on 29th January, 1955, they should bring along their requirements/demands for Ravi-Beas Waters. The instructions to the States were, that no area, which required lift irrigation should be included in the demand of Punjab or Pepsu. But for these instructions, Punjab and Pepsu would have demanded much more water by including Haryana areas and in that case no spare water would have been available for Rajasthan. 

Rajasthan gets Ravi-Beas Waters

Work on the construction of Rajasthan Feeder was actually started in March 1958 and by the summer of 1966, 134 mile Feeder and approximately 100 miles of 292 mile Rajasthan Canal had been finished. In the spring of 1964, the masonry was removed and metal gates installed. Some kharif irrigation was provided in 1964 along the upper reaches of Rajasthan Canal, using supplies released from Bhakhra. 

According to Rajasthan's own assertions, it is already getting 8 MAF of Ravi-Beas water (out of 8.6 MAF allocated to it as per 31.12. 1981 Agreement), about 1.5 MAF of Bhakhra water and 1.1 MAF for Bikaner Canal, i.e. a total of 10.6 M.A.F. So far, during the last 40 years, Rajasthan has received about 40 Crore Acre Feet (400 MAF) of water from Punjab's rivers. 

Cost of Ravi-Beas waters yet to be decided 

The Conference of 29.1.1955 was called in great hurry and only for the purpose of distributing Ravi-Beas Waters. Para 5 of decisions taken in the Conference stipulates: "The question of allocation of the cost of water including the cost of storage and other works may be taken up separately as the conference was concerned only with the distribution of supplies."

S. Harbans Singh, Chief Engineer, Irrigation, Punjab (retd), who was dealing with the subject in 1955 as XEN, has told me that they tried to discuss the question of payment for water by Rajasthan, but were snubbed on the ground that the Conference was concerned only with the distribution of water and that the cost of water etc. may be discussed by the States separately.

The reason why the question of payment of cost for water to Punjab by Rajasthan has remained dormant for the last 40 years is that Rajasthan started getting water for Rajasthan Canal only after about 10 years of the Conference. At the same time, Punjab was reorganized in 1966 and dispute about SYL Canal started with Haryana. The result was that clause 5 of the decision of the Conference dated 29.1.1955 was completely forgotten and Punjab has not worked out the cost/value of water supplied to Rajasthan so far. Nowhere, it is laid down or decided in any meeting or any conference that non-riparian state of Rajasthan would get Ravi-Beas waters free-of-cost. 

Precedents where non-riparian States paid for water 

Nowhere in the world has a non-riparian state ever got water even on payment and there has never been any claim or dispute about water by a non-riparian state in the whole world. However, in India, there are three instances, where non-riparian states got water on payment from riparian states because in those good olden days, there was abundance of water and most of it went waste to the sea. 

The three instances are: 

Sirhind canal: Agreement signed on 18 February, 1873 between the British Government and the non-riparian States of Patiala, Jind and Nabha, regarding Sirhind Canal, stipulated supply of water on payment of seigniorage by these States. 

Periyar River: The Periyar river rises on the western side of the Ghats where there is superabundant rainfall and falls into the sea close to Cochin, Tamil Nadu, then called Madras province, a non-riparian, entered into an agreement with Travancore-Cochin State and got water of Periyar River on annual payment. 

Gang (Bikaner Canal): Punjab agreed to give water to Bikaner State from Sutlej in 1918. Bahawalpur State objected on the ground that no water can be given to non-riparian State of Bikaner. Punjab gave water from its own share, an agreement was signed on 4 September,1920 and Bikaner State got water for Bikaner Canal on the basis of annual payment for water. 

But why the secrecy, and from whom? 

It may be noted that copy of 'Record of the decisions arrived at the Conference' circulated to the States concerned is marked SECRET (See picture).  It is quite intriguing why the decisions were to be kept secret. And secret from whom? Not from the World Bank and Pakistan because these were meant only to be shown to them and convince them about utilization. Obviously, these decisions were to be kept secret from the media and the people of Punjab, fearing that there may be resentment and agitation in Punjab against the decision of giving 8.0 MAF of Ravi-Beas Water to the non-riparian State of Rajasthan. The decisions were never brought to the notice or approved by the Punjab Cabinet or Chief Minister or the Chief Secretary. In 1955, the Chief Engineer used to be the Secretary of the Irrigation Department also. Ch. Lahiri Singh who was the Irrigation Minister, Punjab in 1955, reluctantly and hesitatingly confirmed the minutes of the Conference. Even now only officials dealing with the subject have any knowledge about the so called 'Agreement'. 

It is, therefore, time for Punjab to have a new look at the whole problem besides claiming cost/value of the water already supplied. 

Realising Rs. 80,000 Crores by Punjab from Centre & Rajasthan for Ravi-Beas Waters

Clearly, decisions that normally would have taken decades to arrive at, were taken in great haste in a matter of hours, ignoring all Constitutional and legal provisions. And above all, "the decisions" taken in the meeting held on 29 January, 1955 were kept "SECRET" and with the passage of time, after some years, were dubbed as an "Agreement" between Punjab and Rajasthan regarding distribution of Ravi-Beas Waters. 

As per clause 5 of the "Decisions" of this Conference, the question of cost of water was to be taken up separately as the Conference was concerned only with the distribution of water. This has not been done so far. Nobody has ever pointed this out during the last 55 years. It is time we do it now and also look at every aspect of the whole problem of giving water to Rajasthan from Punjab rivers afresh. 

Here are some more startling and interesting facts regarding this so- called "Agreement" of January 29, 1955:

Views of Shri Kanwar Sain, Ex-Chairman, Central Water and Power Commission regarding Agreement of 29 January, 1955:

 Shiromani Akali Dal launched Dharam Yudh Morcha in 1982 against injustice done to Punjab in the distribution of River Waters and Chandigarh etc. In order to resolve the dispute, the Central Government constituted a Cabinet sub-committee of five Central ministers to negotiate with the Akalis. Leaders of major political parties, such as L.K. Advani, Madhu Dandvate etc were also roped in. A meeting between this Central team and Shiromani Akali Dal representatives (Surjit Singh Barnala, Balwant Singh and Ravi Inder Singh) was held in New Delhi on 8 February, 1983. S. Parkash Singh Badal and S. Gurcharan Singh Tohra stayed back in Kapurthala House and guided the SAD team. This meeting remained inconclusive as there was stalemate regarding river-waters and the meeting was adjourned to 10th February. 

On 9 February, 1983,  Kanwar Sain, ex-chairman of Central Water and Power Commission, gave a press interview which appeared in the Press on 10th February 1983. He stated that Akali demand for reopening the whole river-water issue was fully justified and that even the Agreement of 29 January, 1955 should be re-opened. He also stated that the Agreement of 29 January 1955 was drafted by him and that he had given a note on the file, "Realities about the assessment of requirements may be different." He further stated that 24.3.1976 Award of Prime Minister, giving 3.5 MAF water each to Punjab and Haryana was not fair to Punjab. Punjab Today is in possession of the press interview appearing in the Indian Express dated 10th February, 1983). 

It may be mentioned here that Kanwar Sain was one of the top most and renowned irrigation engineers of India and retired as Chairman of the Central Water and Power Commission. He belonged to Haryana and after retirement, Bansi Lal, Chief Minister of Haryana, appointed him as Chairman of Haryana Development Board. He also remained Chief Engineer of Rajasthan Canal. He himself admitted that for these reasons he had soft corner for Haryana and Rajasthan. In spite of this, he boldly stated true facts and demanded justice for Punjab. 

In the meeting held on 10th February, 1983, the facts stated by Shri Kanwar Sain were brought to the notice of Central team. The meeting ended in stalemate and no meeting between this Central Committee and SAD Committee was ever held after that. 

Punjab's Requirements of Water 

Total net area under cultivation in Punjab is 1.05 crore acres. About 98% of this area is irrigated and double-cropped. Total cropped area of about 2 crore acres requires more than 5 crore acre feet of water annually. We have 85 lakh acres under wheat and 68 lakh acres under rice besides area under other crops. 

As per recommendations of PAU, rice requires 20 irrigations 3-inch deep. Thus rice alone requires 20 x 3 inch = 5 acre feet of water per acre of rice. Total requirement of water for rice alone thus comes to 340 lakh acre feet.

Punjab fulfills its requirements of water through canals, rain water and underground water.

Canals and rains account for about 2.5 crore acre feet of water (25 MAF) while the rest of 2.5 crore acre feet is ground water pumped by about 13 lakh tubewells.  Annual recharge is about 1.5 crore acre feet only, leaving a deficit of one crore acre feet annually. This excess extraction of one crore acre feet ground water results in depletion of ground water by about one foot annually.

It may also be pointed out here that in the Conference of 29 January, 1955, Punjab had put its demand of Ravi-Beas Waters at 59 lakh acre feet only (5.9 MAF) and PEPSU at 13 lakh acre feet, i.e. a total of 72 lakh acre feet (7.2 MAF) which was readily conceded. Shri S.L. Malhotra was the Chief Engineer-cum-Secretary Irrigation to Govt. of Punjab at that time, who worked out this requirement and there was no separate (IAS) Secretary Irrigation in those days. Not an inch of present Haryana's cultivated area of 88 lakh acres was included in the 7.2 MAF demand of Punjab. Had Haryana areas also been included in Punjab demand, not a drop of surplus water would have been available for allocation to Rajasthan and the whole of 15.58 MAF of surplus Ravi-Beas waters would have been utilized in Punjab itself and there would not have been any Rajasthan Canal. 

Depletion of Ground Water

As stated above, Punjab is extracting 2.5 crore acre-feet of under-ground water annually. Annual recharge of ground water is only about 1.5 crore acre feet, thus leaving a gap of about one crore acre feet which results in water-table going down by one foot annually. If Punjab had not supplied one crore acre feet of canal water annually to Rajasthan, there would not have arisen any necessity of pumping out this much underground water and annual recharge and drawl would have balanced each other. There would not have been any depletion of ground water which has now assumed alarming proportions.

According to a recent report of NASA (National Aeronautical and Space Administration of US) published in the August issue of the journal Nature, "Groundwater beneath North India decreases by one foot every year and if measures are not soon taken to ensure sustainable groundwater usage, consequences may include a collapse of agricultural output, severe shortage of drinking water, conflict and suffering and it can take thousands of years for aquifers to recharge." 

Experts say that wars in twenty-first century would be over water. Time is not far away when Punjab will face severe shortage of water even for drinking purposes. Giving one crore acre feet of water from Punjab rivers to Rajasthan is the only cause for this alarming depletion of ground water. 

Rajasthan Canal- Government of India's Brainwave 

Before 1948 nobody had ever thought of constructing a Canal for taking Punjab's Rivers Waters to the deserts of Rajasthan. In 1940s and 1950s, there was great shortage of food grains in India and huge quantities of food grains had to be imported every year. In order to boost food grains production, the Government of India launched "grow-more-food campaign". Efforts were made all over India to bring every available strip of vacant land under cultivation. An idea struck the Govt. of India and the Planning Commission that millions of acres of vacant desert land in Rajasthan could be brought under cultivation if water for irrigation could be arranged. 

In May 1948, India and Pakistan had signed an agreement regarding Ravi-Beas and Sutlej rivers of Punjab by which East Punjab's exclusive rights over the waters of these rivers were more or less accepted. 

Those were the days of single crop and there was no intensive agriculture. Knowing fully well that Punjab had no ready-made plans to immediately utilize these waters, Government of India found a golden opportunity to give these waters to Rajasthan. 

While giving approval to the construction of Harike Headworks in 1949, the Government of India asked Punjab Government to make provision for a 18,500 cusec canal for Rajasthan, which the Punjab Government obediently did. 

This was about six years before the 'Agreement' of 29 January, 1955. Harike Headworks were constructed in 1950-52 with a provision of 18,500 cusec canal for Rajasthan. Even the Rajasthan Government then had no idea or any hope of getting Ravi-Beas Waters and even refused to carry out any survey and the Centre had to do it at its own expense.

U.S.A. Bureau of Reclamation whose advice was sought by Government of India regarding Rajasthan Canal Project, advised against the construction of Rajasthan Canal. It advised that instead of wasting water in far away Thar desert, it should be utilized nearer home, where it would produce more food and fibre. However, the Centre ignored this advice and gave go-ahead to the Project. 

Value of Water 

In his monumental work, "The Indus Rivers", Prof. Aloys Arthur Michael of Yale University, U.S.A., says, "As in most sub-humid regions of the earth, water in the Indus Basin is more valuable than land. Had it not been for the modern irrigation network developed after the annexation of Sind and Punjab to British India in the 1840s, much of what is now the economic heart of West Pakistan would have remained essentially a semi-desert." The same applies to Rajasthan and parts of Haryana. 

Only recently, the Central Water and Power Commission issued a press-note stating that iron Gates of Madhopur Headworks had become very old with the result that 100 cusec water was leaking through these gates everyday and it was going waste to Pakistan. They put the annual value of this 100 cusecs at Rs 100 crores, which loss Punjab was suffering every year. Punjab is giving one crore acre feet or say 50 lakh cusecs of water to Rajasthan every year (1 cusec day=2 acre feet). On this basis, value of this much water comes to about Rs 14,000 crores annually. The total value of 40 crore acre feet of water supplied to Rajasthan during the last 40 years would thus come to Rs 5,60,000 crores. 

Loss on Account of Electricity and Diesel etc. 

The biggest loss suffered by Punjab for supplying one crore acre feet canal water to Rajasthan is that it has to extract this much extra ground water for its own use. There are more than 13 lakh electric and diesel operated tubewells in Punjab which pump out about 2.50 crore acre feet of ground water every year. As per PSER Commission, electricity consumed by these tubewells is more than 1000 crore units every year and value of this electricity at the rate of Rs 2.50 per unit comes to about Rs 2600 crores. However, as Punjab purchases electricity from other states at the rate of Rs 7 or 8 per unit, at this rate cost of this much electricity would come to more than Rs 7000 crores. Diesel operated tubewell is 4/5 times more costly than electric one. Due to shortage of electricity, many farmers use generators as well. Taking all these  factors into consideration, if we assume Rs 5 per unit as the cost of electricity, the total cost for 1000 crore units of electricity would come to Rs 5000 crores. 

Since Punjab is supplying one crore acre feet of Canal water to Rajasthan every year, it has to use 400 crores unit of electricity worth Rs 2000 crores every year for extracting this much ground water (40% of the 2.5 crore acre feet). Total amount spent by Punjab for pumping out 40 crore acre feet of water during the last 40 years would thus come to Rs 80,000 crores.

Had Punjab used one crore acre feet of its river water, the necessity of extracting this much ground water would not have arisen. This annual loss of 400 crore units of electricity is all due to supplying one crore acre feet of canal water to Rajasthan every year. 

The cost of boring and reboring tubewells, electric motors, diesel engines, generators, and other associated machinery and labour etc would be in addition to this. Out of 2.5 crore acre feet of ground water, one crore acre feet (i.e. 40 %) could also be debited to Rajasthan and 40 % of all expense on ground water could be debited to that state.

Punjab would have become top-most industrial state of the country if it had used this additional 400 crores units of electricity (free or subsidized) for its industry. And capital and industrialists would have come running to Punjab. Instead of being predominantly agricultural state, Punjab would have become a predominantly industrial state. 

Clearly, it is the legal right and the bounden duty of the Punjab Government and all the political parties of Punjab to recover this cost from Rajasthan. Is Punjab ready to take the step? It must.