PUNJAB TODAY July 17-23, 2010 FRONT PAGE - The Politics of Deluge

As Punjab and Haryana hurl accusations against each other faster even than the speed with which gushing flood waters destroy lives, what is being lost sight of is one simple fact. That there are human beings involved in all of this. A breach in the SYL, a spill over in the Hansi Butana, or the threaten-ing waters of Ghaghar, they all claim lives, peace and hopes. Our politicians have proven unequal to the task & the only hope came from the people themselves who proved how communities can find the strength to persist.  

Harvest of grief

Telling tales of the living dead, and of the dead. But are we paying heed?

Kiran Dhruv-Sandhu 

Chotian, a village in Sangrur district of Punjab, has seen 65 suicides by farmers since 1990. The numbers in Balra — another village of the district — is a higher 87. But while the figures are given by an NGO, and could be debated, 85-year-old Gurnam Kaur is least worried whether the suicides by three men of her family are acknowledged or not. She has a more immediate concern — of feeding a family which has no male earning member left.
For Gurmit Kaur, the end of her father’s life also ended school education of her two younger sisters, and her plans to be a college graduate. Jasvir Kaur’s grief is coupled with a hint of guilt. “My husband was being hounded by moneylenders. I saw him tossing in the bed a night before he finally consumed poison, but I could not save him,” she says.
Filmmaker Anwar Jamal’s documentary ‘Harvest of grief’ is not about the numbers but families scarred by suicides. It puts together stories of women with a similar fate, involving debt, death and deprivation. From the aged Gurnam Kaur, who is left with no sons but granddaughters of marriageable age, to the physically challenged Nazma who has to fend for her two daughters and a son, the film pleads strongly for empowering women, as the agrarian crisis in Punjab claims more lives.
“As a filmmaker, it helps being an outsider as you have to be objective. But the plight of families where farmers have committed suicides shook us. All three earning men of Gurnam Kaur’s family committed suicide. When we went to her house she wanted to offer us tea but had no sugar or jaggery. The family had not bought lentils for four months. I told her since many in our crew have diabetes, we would have tea without sugar,” says Jamal, who has won 11 international and five national awards for his short films and documentaries.
Mechanisation, indisciminate use of fertilisers and pesticides, rapid soil depletion, rising seed prices, and the vice-like grip of loan sharks have landed Punjab in a severe agricultural crisis.Suicides by famers are fast becoming the norm, leaving in its trail widows and orphans grappling with an uncertain future.
Inderjit Singh Jaijee, convener, Movement against State Repression, an organisation working for farmers, claims there have been over 200 cases of multiple suicides in Punjab. “It’s a case of wilful ignorance on part of the government. According to police reports, the number of farmer suicides in Punjab since 1988 is just seven. The revenue department report puts the figure at 232. But as per our estimate after visiting villages, nearly 3,500 to 4,000 farmers are committing suicides every year in Punjab. The government too admits in confidence that the figure could be 2,000 per year, but there is no attempt to acknowledge the problem and suggest ways to mitigate it,” he says.
“In 2009 alone, four villages in Sangrur district reported five suicides each. And these are just the cases that we know of,” he adds.
Dr Pramod Kumar, who heads the Institute of Development Communication (IDC), Chandigarh, and also lends an insight to Punjab’s agrarian crisis in the documentary, says as a result of the crisis Punjab                  is emerging as a “society of       paradoxes”.
“The agrarian crisis is also manifesting itself in increasing drug addiction and alcoholism among rural youth and increasing poverty among the Dalit population of the state,” he adds.
The film also highlights how villages are devastated by the use of pesticides. Environmentalist Dr Vandana Shiva, who explains the advent of agrarian crisis in Punjab in the documentary, says farmers in Punjab villages use the term dawai (medicine) for pesticides. They do not know what they are spraying indiscriminately is poison, but admit they feel giddy after spraying it. And that birds don’t sing in their village any more.”
Almost two years after the Punjab Farmers’ Commission, on the directions of the Punjab and Haryana High Court, had recommended pension for families of farmers who had committed suicide, the actual number of farmer suicides has only been determined for two districts, Sangrur and Bathinda. “We had recommended Rs 2 lakh pension for widows/kin of these farmers by way of Rs 50,000 in cash and fixed deposit for remaining Rs 1.5 lakh, which can bring them a monthly income of Rs 1500,” commission chairman GS Kalkat says. However, though Punjab Agricultural University (PAU), Ludhiana, was made the coordinator for the survey being undertaken by Punjabi University and Guru Nanak Dev University (GNDU), they have not been granted funds to complete the survey in other districts. “The pension scheme can only be implemented after the survey to find the number of farmer suicides is complete, which has not been done due to lack of adequate finance,” Dr P S Rangi of the commission adds.
At a time when the successive governments were criminally late in responding to the farmers hanging themselves to death, this is the story of those left behind: the women, the children, the old parents.

96,202 apply for 122 posts of constables: What’s your inference?

Ramanpreet Kaur

When I asked a girl who hailed from 

Kotshamir village how, with an M.Phil. 

under her arm, could she even think of 

applying for a peon's job, she thrust the 

rolled-up degree into my face and shouted,

"You take this and make two chapatis with

it every morning and every evening. 

Can you do that?" Well, can you, dear reader?

How do you define desperation among the Punjabi youth? By the frequency with which they are climbing atop water tanks in Punjab, forcing meetings with the Chief Minister by threatening to otherwise jump from the tanks? Or by the obduracy of women protesters to stage sit-ins despite a history of Punjab Police cops raining lathis on them with a vengeance?
You can chose any measuring stick, but it will not be long enough to truly reflect the state of affairs. Not long ago, Bathinda had witnessed a crowd of 1200 turning up for eight posts of peons, among them girls with M.A. (Punjabi) and M.Phil (Economics) degrees in hand. Post graduates and LLBs applying for posts of peons is a common scene in Punjab. The Bathinda peon-aspirant rush had come within 48 hours of a similar crowd of 900 gathering for four posts of "piada" (process server, those who deliver summons) at the courts.
When I asked a girl who hailed from Kotshamir village how, with an M.Phil. under her arm, could she even think of applying for a peon's job, she thrust the rolled-up degree into my face and shouted, "You take this and make two chapatis with it every morning and every evening. Can you do that?"
I really wanted to sympathise with her, but could not. My sympathy lay with a bunch of girls huddled together in a far corner, hated by everyone else. These were girls who hade studied merely up to class 8th. "Bha'ji, eh degree walian naal sab nu hamdardi hai, saade naal kise nu nahi. Je enhna ne chaprasi lagna hai ta sarkar ne saanu afsar ta nahi laga dena (Everyone is sympathising with these girls with degrees. If they are to be made peons, then what will we do? Afterall, the government is not going to post us as officers.)
The frustrated educated unemployed arraigned against poor and ill educated unemployed. That's the tragedy of Punjab.
But even as one would have thought that the media would bring out such state of affairs to juxtapose the reality with the claims of politicians who incessently talk of malls and airports, a new generation of hacks is taking over.
On June 27, the Indian Express reported how for the posts of 1,200 constables, some 96,202 people from all over the country applied, a large majority from Punjab. Of these, 10,211 applications were from women.
Failing to see the levels of desperation and the index of unemployment, the  ecstatic journalist gushed about the response being so impressive for the constable's job that even the very well qualified were dying to land it. The journalist even quoted SSP (headquarters) Alok Kumar saying, "The response for these posts is very good this time. Even the educational qualifications of the candidates are better...it was definitely huge this time."
Clearly, the media is now featuring a class of journalists who are devoid of any idea of the situation at the grassroots level, and whose notions of a democratic space are limited to the lobby of a mall in Chandigarh which they think is not only air conditioned but also open to all and therefore good for society.
Punjab and many other states have been repeatedly witnessing scenes of lathicharges and teeming crowds whenever there is an army recruitment camp organised in any town. Young teachers are found less in schools, more on dharnas asking the government for jobs when students go to teacher-less classrooms.
But all of this is happening when we are witnessing ever rising number of malls and multiplexes. Is there a connection between the number of flights to and from a city and the sense of insecurity among the populace?

The Sant Who Believes In Some Direct Action

Baba Seechewal now slams 

Pollution Control Board, says he 

will plug the polluting rivulet 

himself since govt doesn’t 

want to. Clearly, it’s a war cry

Sukhjit Kaur

JALANDHAR: At a time when Arundhati Roy is talking about Gandhians with Guns, Punjab is witnessing a clear revolt by a Sant who, tired of the unholy nexus of the powerful with the corporates, is not shy of calling the spade a bloody shovel. Further, he plans to do something about it and has served notice.

Green crusader and Punjab Pollution Control Board member, Baba Balbir Singh Seechewal, who commands a strong following of thousands of devotees, has been fighting to stop the flow of untreated waste into the Kala Sanghian drain by the district administration and pollution control authorities have done precious little except assure him repeatedly, set new deadlines and making a show of their respect for Baba Seechewal.

Now, Seechewal has made clear that he cares little for such shows of respect which mean little. Accompanied by panchayats and people from villages that have been suffering because of the polluted water, Seechewal landed at the site himself and announced that he will wait no more and his devotees will plug the rivulet themselves.

The drain that flows between Gazipur and Chamiara carries a massive 12.9 crore liters of untreated effluents from industry and municipal corporations at any given time. 

Seechewal minced no words in even slamming the Board of which he is a member, underlining that it is not always possible to co-op everyone with a conscience into the system and corrupt him suitably.

Seechewal said he and the villagers have persistently taken up the issue for two years, but authorities chose to put thousands of lives at risk. In the Malwa belt and in Rajasthan, natives drink this water for want of an alternative water  source.

“People living in the 80 and more villages along the banks of the drain, which courses Doaba and Malwa region and part of Rajasthan, have suffered increasing incidence of respiratory diseases, skin, kidney, hair disorders and cancer for over 15 years, but the government has failed to act against industrial units. Let the cities handle their effluents themselves. Villagers will not allow it to flow into their territory,” he said. “If they can’t treat the water they have no right to throw dirty water in a natural drain and it is clearly illegal,” Baba Seechewal said. 

Seechewal’s warnings earlier had brought matters to a head in February 2008 and he no more ready to rest with deadlines.

Earlier, March 31 was the deadline given by the officials to stop flow of a major chunk of untreated water in the drain, which was then extended to April 30 and later to May 31 but nothing has been done even though even June has come and gone.

Seechewal and his associates Baba Sukhwant Singh, Baba Daya Singh and other religious personalities put down the inaction to the government’s alleged covert understanding with the industry and the mineral water mafia.

Strangely, Deputy Commissioner Priyank Bharti claimed he was not aware of the matter, thus only proving the disconnect between the people and the authorities.

Stop Casting Stones

Editorial published in Punjab Today 
edition of July 3-9, 2010

Every Friday morning, young men and school boys who should be discussing whether or not to shave their moustaches to impress the girls get together for a ritual in Kashmir valley: throwing stones at the security forces. In the last few days, the ritual was matched by a counter ritual as CRPF and police chose to fire at the protesters. In 18 days, 11 have died, and Paradise has been turned into a valley of death.
The stone-pelting actually has support sites on Facebook and other social networking domains, among these being ‘Kaushar Haatyar—Kann’e Jang’ (Kashmiri weapon—stone pelting) and Anjuman e Himaayat e Sangbazaan e Kashmir (The Association of Supporters of
 Stone-pelters).
But the stone pelting has perhaps more socio-cultural layers than the rulers or the police are prepared to deal with, or even acknowledge. Perfectly reasonable youth have been taking up stone pelting every Friday as an almost cathartic experience. While it is possible that the ring leaders may be driven by strong anti-India sentiments, or may have links across the border, as Home Minister P Chidambaram is suggesting, substantial numbers have found in stone pelting their chance to resist.
The valley is these days not the best place for a young man to find his destiny. Even picture postcard perfect towns have often failed to contain the
rush of youthfulness.

Kashmir's young men throwing stones and the women coming out to wail are making a point. They are demanding space for expression of rebellion. That expression is finding an expression even in Punjab. In Kashmir, the youth are throwing stones. In Punjab, they are desperate for jobs and climbing up water tanks, threatening to jump. In Manipur, they are laying road blocks.
The answer lies in engagement. You often have to engage exactly when you are not on the same page.  Because you are not listening, they are gathering the stones. Listen to them, they have a tale to tell. It isn’t easy to skip cricket every Friday in Kashmir, just as it shouldn’t be a way of life to climb atop water tanks at the sight of an education minister in
Punjab.

Caste, Census & Avtar Singh Makkar

Nischay Pal

As India embarks on one of the world’s largest ever administrative exercises, the Census 2011, Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee president Avtar Singh Makkar has directed the Sikh community to abstain from mentioning caste in the Census survey.

Makkar, who made a feeble and completely fruitless attempt to request the media not to suffix his sub-caste ‘Makkar’ with his name after he became the SGPC president, clearly understands little about the notions of caste and how it works in India.

But Makkar has a valid point of view when he says that caste has no place in Sikhism and that Sikhism rejects the caste system. He has been quoted as saying that if Sikhs mention their caste for government records, “they would be violating the basic tenets of their religion.”

They may, or they may not be doing any such thing, but what is clear is that Makkar understands little about Sikhism and much less about what Census 2011 would entail. As head of the SGPC, the body that has a hugely influential voice in not just the affairs of the community but also as a representative voice emerging from Punjab, it is expected of Avtar Singh Makkar and other Akali leaders that they make some basic inquiries before taking such a simplistic stand that Sikhism is against caste, so Sikhs must not mention their caste to the Census officials.

If only Makkar had looked back and focussed on the decades when he happily issued statements on letterheads that pronounced his name as “Makkar”, and if only he had fulfilled his primary duty of trying to learn the most basic of the facts about Census 2011 before issuing sweeping statements on a most complex issue, he would have been more worthy of the high seat in which he has been put by Akali Dal leadership.

To be fair, Makkar is not alone when he argues that asking people’s caste in the Census is wrong. Some very sane headed Indians also are under the impression that every Indian will be asked about his caste this time around. Many think that the earlier censuses never asked the caste, but now after a demand from some quarters, a decision has been taken to include a column for caste. Each single one of these is a fallacy of fact.

First of all, every single census has always counted the number of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes; only the OBCs, the Other Backward Classes, were not counted. The demand this time from some quarters was that the OBCs should also be counted.

Now, who are the people making these demands? Get introduced to them before you fall for the rhetoric of men like Makkar who think counting the OBCs will promote casteism.

It was none other that the Planning Commission which in its report on the Eleventh Five-year Plan (Vol 1, pg 118, 120, 2008) not only asked for such census but elaborated on the point in great detail. “Like SCs, STs, Minorities and persons with disabilities, there is an imperative need to carry out a census of OBCs now or in the next census in 2011. In the absence of exact assessment of their population size, literacy rate, employment status in government, private and unorganised sectors, basic civic amenities, health status, poverty status and human development and HPIs, it is very difficult to formulate realistic policies and programmes for the development of OBCs.”

What does Makkar and those opposing the OBC census want? That all policies and programmes should be carried out in the absence of any such data? The Punjab Government has no OBC-wise data on its population, neither has any other state government, and that is a major hurdle.

As Hari Narke, Professor and Head, Mahatma Phule Chair, University of Pune, has brought out, the OBC census is a class census and not a caste census. It needs to be pointed out to men like Avtar Singh Makkar that OBCs are not a caste but a socially and educationally backward class. That is the position under the Indian Constitution, the same Constitution under which the Sikh Gurdwara Act 1925 exists from which was born the SGPC.

Makkar should know that the SCs and STs are constitutionally recognised categories and so is the category called the OBC. The Constitutional recognition of SCs and STs are articles 341 and 342 and for OBCs it is article 340. Only, there was gross delay in implementing article 340 at the central level till as late as 1990, though lists of OBCs were made in the peninsular provinces and princely states even before Independence.

When Makkar asks Sikhs not to mention their caste, he is asking them to do something unconstitutional. Remember, Makkar is not just asking the OBCs not to give out their caste, he is asking all SC Sikhs not to give out their caste, since his appeal is addressed to all Sikhs. The SC Sikhs had to fight a lot to get a right to avail of the benefits, and they are availing these benefits in jobs and educational institutions. The Punjab Government, led by Makkar’s political masters, is formulating and claiming to formulate even more welfare schemes for the Scheduled Castes, and rightly so.

Makkar is right when he says Sikhism brooks no caste. But more than anyone else, Makkar knows the ground reality. Every one of us, and we believe that includes Makkar, desires a casteless society. But that is an ideal that is only possible when we address the chronic issues of historic marginalisation of certain classes, and counting the OBCs is a part of the effort to make any plans to address this marginalisation in any meaningful way.

Sikhism stands for social justice, and Makkar knows it all too well. If only Makkar had done a cursory reading of the issue, he would have been aware that the Standing Committee on Social Justice, 2006, headed by Sumitra Mahajan and comprising 28 MPs, “strongly recommend that Ministry should vigorously pursue with the Registrar General of India to conduct a survey of OBCs and the persons living below double the poverty line in this category so that the Ministry could prepare its Action Plan so that the required amount of funds can be made available to the State Governments for effective implementation of National Backward Classes Finance Development Corporations various schemes for the development of backward classes”.

The three Backward Classes Commissions in 1955, 1980 and 2004-05, apart from the National Commission for Nomadic Tribes, Semi Nomadic Tribes & Denotified Tribes (Renke Commission), 2008, was in favour of an OBC census.

The Parkash Singh Badal government, like any other state government, has to have special provision in the budget for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (SC/ST). As per the Constitution, the OBCs also need a separate budget for their uplift. They have a constitutional right to basic amenities, employment, and shelter and unless we know their exact population, it will be difficult to make plans for them.

The biggest pain that the Sikhs suffered in contemporary history was the partition of Punjab that left the Sikh Quom separated from Sri Nankana Sahib, the birth place of the founder of Sikhism, Guru Nanak Dev ji. Many other gurughars also remained in Pakistan. Clearly, it was not caste but religion that inflicted the greatest pain. So, should Indians as a whole refuse to mention their religion to the Census officials? Is it not clear to anyone that India faced Partition because of religion?

Is it true or not that the SC/ST census on this country has been on for decades without any opposition? The SC census is a caste census; that has not been opposed. The OBC census is a class census; why is that being opposed? The OBCs roughly form some 52 per cent of the population; why must not they be counted? 

Are there Jat organisations in Punjab? Are there Dalit organisations? Is there not a Dhaliwal Sabha? Are there bodies of Sidhu-Brar Jats? Of Grewal Jats? Are there Lobana Bhawans in cities or not? Are there Aggarwal Dharamshalas? All castes have their organisations. And they all have annual days, bank accounts, even educational institutes. Not once have men like Makkar spoken against them, but they lose no time before seeking to stall the census for OBCs by telling Sikhs that it was some sort of a duty in the name of the Guru: Sikhism is against caste, so don’t tell the Census people your caste.

If Makkar and his ilk are indeed so inspired as to annihilate caste, they must address the many flaws that have crept into Sikhism. To be fair, the SGPC under Makkar and even before he took over, does recognise that the caste based gurdwaras do not augur well for a community that does not believe in caste. A more meaningful way for Makkar would be to take up within his party better agendas for addressing the caste issue. Can he issue a statement that those mentioning their castes in the matrimonial columns of various newspapers are not true Sikhs? Makkar will do better to read Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar’s book “Who Were The Shudras?” and engage with the work of Mahatma Jyotiba Phule who have given practical blueprints for caste annihilation in this country.

Sikhism is indeed against casteism. Avtar Singh, Makkar or not, is right. But social justice to all, equality and adequate representation in the power structure are prerequisites in a casteless society. There is no shortcut. To recognise the rights of a large percentage of people, they have to be counted first. To refuse to be counted, to ask people to refuse to be counted, and to ask them to bear the burden of the theory of Sikhism when the practice is exactly the opposite, is to burden them twice over. The great Sikh Gurus would never have done it. The president of the SGPC must not even dare.

Jaswant Singh's Homecoming & the Akali Dal

There are lessons to be learnt in managing contradictions and advancing politics 


Reva Sud

Akali Dal's alliance partner BJP is to witness a homecoming very soon: Jaswant Singh is to return to the partyfold 10 months after he was unceremoniously expelled for praising Pakistan founder Mohammed Ali Jinnah in his book.

It is heartening to see the BJP taking seriously the contentions made by Jaswant Singh in his book about Jinnah, and it is equally heartening to see the BJP having a macro look at the entire issue and re-induct into the party someone who has been forthright about his views.

Politicians dealing with the written word, or penning books themselves, have become a rare tribe in our country. One longs for a book penned by Parkash Singh Badal who has seen so much from a ringside view seat that could give Punjab rare insights into how we came to be where we are. Gurcharan Singh Tohra did not leave behind any account of the most troublesome years of which he knew more than many of the crop who rule today.

Jaswant Singh's return to the BJP also underlines a rather rare ability of the BJP top brass, particularly that of L K Advani, to resolve some of the most troublesome contradictions. After all, Advani had not stopped the process when Singh was expelled. But the senior leadership has displayed sagacity. This is how a national party should do damage control. No doubt Advani's stature has been a key factor in resolving this ugly issue.

An even more important aspect is that Jaswant Singh has not been forced to recant or deny any of the stuff that he wrote in his book that had angered the BJP so much. The book stays on the shelf, and on Singh's resume, as he re-enters the party with renewed respect and glory.

In Punjab, Parkash Singh Badal has a huge stature and the image of a moderate, and he could have displayed the ability to manage many contradictions, but sadly one is yet to see a determined move from the House of Badals to inculcate inner party democracy beyond the time honored tradition of "giving all rights to Pardhan Sahib".

Between Advani, BJP president Nitin Gadkari and the rest of the top leadership of the BJP, the party has proved that while it may slip in matters of inner party democracy, it has the resilience to control the damage, turn the page and draw new boundaries for debate.

The Badals have it in their power to do not only this but much more. History will judge Badal much more honourably if, at this stage in his political career, he turns his focus to strengthen the party rather than the hold of one family on the party. Poor Akali MPs and MLAs have almost forgotten what role they can play beyond eulogizing the leaders. A party thus hollowed from inside will not be worth presiding over.

On the other front, the Akali Dal in Punjab also must learn the importance of dealing with serious intellectual issues. The silence it adopted following Advani's book rankles one when seen in the context of BJP's own reaction to Jaswant Singh's book.

In his "My Country, My Life", Advani, who had claimed that it was under pressure from his party that Indira Gandhi was forced to undertake Operation Bluestar, had made many other troublesome statements but the Badals preferred silence to even a simple counter.

In a chapter titled "The Trauma and Triumph of Punjab" (pages 422 to 438), Advani said the "Khalsa panth was created three hundred years ago by Guru Gobind Singh, the last of the ten gurus, to defend the Hindus and protect Hinduism from the bigoted Muslim rulers of the time. (Page 424). By his silence, Badal endorsed that stance. Advani, when he needed to refer to some Ghadar revolutionaries, comes up with the names of Lala Lajpat Rai and Bhai Parmanand! Akali Dal's response? Silence.

Akali Dal can learn many lessons
in managing contradictions
and advancing politics 

Advani called Operation Bluestar "a success", calls Anandpur Sahib Resolution as "separatist" (Page 435), and opposes an all-India Gurdwara Act, and makes special effort to underline the Nirankaris as a "a spiritual movement". To all this, the Akali Dal's response? Silence.

One expected a response because Parkash Singh Badal was present at the function in New Delhi where Advani's memoirs were released and he shared stage with former President A.P.J. Abdul Kalam, the former Vice President of India Late Bhairon Singh Shekhawat, RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat and none other than Jaswant Singh. (Those interested in reading a reporting of the function by the RSS mouthpiece Organizer can visit http://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=230&page=18). As Badal sat listening to praises of the book, his silence later can be taken as an endorsement of Advani's stance. He owes it to his own fair name to draw the line.

Compare it now to Jaswant Singh actually taking upon Advani in his book when he narrated the Kandhar hijacking episode. And now consider the ability to manage contradictions as Advani works overtime to bring back this talent into the partyfold. Sardar Parkash Singh BadalAdvanis of this world, and yet it is possible to manage contradictions.