Wednesday, March 2, 2011

Politics is not dirty business

Punjab Today Edit Page Article
from June 19-25, 2010 edition

Politics is not dirty business
So Be Political

Politics is dirty business idea is floated by those who want you to believe that a dis-connect from politics can go hand in hand with a rosy future for your children. The reality is that this disconnect can come home to roost. It just did in the US. If only Americans were more interested in politics, the history of the US-Arab relations would have been different. 
C. Acharaya

Innumerable stories of corrupt temple priests abound all around. Gurdwaras were run in a most shameful manner by mahants for decades till Sikhs rose in a reform movement to liberate them. But did you hear any stories of people renouncing their faith or God because louts were running the House of God?
Then why is our younger generation becoming disconnected from politics and actually formulating, rather recanting, the idea that politics is dirty business? Politics is what decides what will be on your breakfast table, what kind of schools your children will go to, how your teenage kids will travel to shores far away and whether someone can block that beautiful view of a rising sun from your bedroom window by coming up with a six-storey mall right in front of your sweet little home. Can such a vocation, that formulates policies for our lives, be dirty? What could be a more pious duty than to follow one's conscience and participate in this game called politics? 
Who tells you that politics is a dirty game? Try and recall the last time you heard this one. Chances are that it was from a politician's lips. Chances also are that this was the politician whose son is himself looking for a break in politics, whose wife is itching to be an MP, or whose brother may be vying for an Assembly ticket.
"Budget par siyasat na karo." That has been an injunction that countless politicians have hurled at us. "Akalis are doing politics on 1984 riot victims," the Congress tells us all the time, just as CM Prakash Singh Badal accuses the Congress of politicising sundry issues. The politics over the Special Economic Zones, instead of igniting a debate over development models, gets reduced to how much the farmers should be paid for the land acquired (read snatched). P. Chidambaram wants you not to connect yourself with the politics of the Maoist violence; he wants the country to vote with its feet for his Green Hunting tactics.  
We are passing through times when the crux of politics is hovering around de-politicising every political notion. Hence the sublime ideas of making everyone equal through one syllabus-one exam-one nation sloganeering. Would it take an intellect any more complex than a fourth grade kid's that a child in Bhucho Mandi's ramshackle school who would navigate his way through ETT teachers, half-skilled school lecturers and resource-crunched labs and classrooms but with the same syllabus may be at some disadvantage when pitted against Modern School, Barakhamba Road product? 
Politics-Is-Dirty-Business idea is floated by those who want you to believe that a disconnect from politics will ensure that your children acquire great education and get six-digit salaries in MNCs. This disconnect can come home to roost. It just did in the US. Americans' feelings on the question of Iraq and Muslims were swayed by the Republicans because of Americans' near total de-politicisation, the same people who for no fault of theirs live under constant threat of terrorism. If only they were interested in politics, the history of the US-Arab relations would have been different. 
The politician will never be interested that you get interested in politics. Who wants another to learn his trade secrets? If you get interested in politics, then you will question  Prakash Singh Badal about induction into Akali Dal of politicians who have spent decades in Congress. Or you may question Amarinder Singh about his long disappearances from the political scene. Or ask every second politician why his or her son/daughter/kin has become indispensable to Punjab.
If you get interested in politics, politicians would not be so blasĂ© as to actually issue public statements saying they would give tickets on the basis of winning ability, rather than ideologically honest politics. And no one will be able to speak of such crass things as plans to rule Punjab for 25 years. 
Get interested in politics because you do care whether the view of a beautiful sunrise from your bedroom window is blocked or not. Don't lose control. And to gain control, all you have to do is to get interested. "I care" is always better than "Who cares?"
And never believe anyone who badmouths politics.

SHAME: Dub Maro Sarkar Ji

SHAME: Dub Maro Sarkar Ji


Desperate groups, even individuals, are climbing atop water tanks in Punjab, threatening to jump. The government is borrowing safety nets from circus groups and posting cops at water tanks. Why is our polity such an imbecile?  
Here is an article from Punjab Today edition of June 19-25, 2010. For feedback, you can post on our blog right here, or you can also send a mail to punjabtoday@gmail.com.


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Punjab’s climbing atop water tanks 
And govt is borrowing safety nets from circus groups

Nischay Pal


EVERY SINGLE WATER TANK in Punjab, every single water headworks, every single tall building is a headache for the government of Punjab. And there are thousands of water tanks in the state and hundreds of thousands of tall buildings.
With innumerable groups of people angry with the government and an acute apathy marking the disconnect between the people and the rulers, the size of the headache is increasing by the day.
Punjab’s rulers are unable to find a workable Aspro tablet, and are watching helplessly.
They are borrowing safety nets from the various circus groups, posting police officials below water tanks, asking officials working in tall government buildings to seal the doors leading to rooftops, all in an effort to stop disgruntled groups of unemployed teachers or a bunch of employees from an angry union, or anyone with a grievance and at the end of his wits, to climb atop and hold the government to ransom.
Yet, everyday, the newspapers report about one or the other group of protestors atop a water tank or a building, the office of the Punjab State Electricity Board or Ropar Water Headworks, threatening to jump.
A kerosene bottle in hand, a threat to jump from atop announced loudly to crowds gathered below, local police officials folding hands requesting them to come down -- Punjab is witnessing these scenes with a frequency that is mind numbing.
Clearly, the protesters are now convinced that the government has lost any ability to realize that being unemployed is a bit inconvenient. They are desperate and their choice is between a job and death. So between a slow death and a quick jump from a water tank, they are threatening to chose the later. The resultant spectacle is leading to unprecedented scenes that are replicated several times in a week at many places in Punjab.
When hundreds of teachers in Punjab, who had obtained certificates under a terribly named Education Guarantee Scheme, found there was no employment for them, and no guarantee of it either, they took to protests.
Innumerable petitions to the good sense, scores of dharnas, venting out frustration by disrupting functions where the state education minister would be expected to participate, staging sit-ins in front of the minister’s house; every stratagem in the book failed. The police would routinely beat them up, haul a few to the nearest police station, pick up the leaders from their homes.
When it seemed that the government’s decision to remain deaf and dumb to the teachers’ plight was final, a bunch of them climbed atop a water tank near Education Minister Upinderjit Kaur’s residence in Kapurthala. 
This was earlier this year. There comes a moment in the affairs of men when myriad streams converge at a point, making us see what we either failed to see or refused to acknowledge earlier. 
Atop the 100-feet high water tank, 27-year-old Kiranjit Kaur from Kapurthala decided that the government needs to be shown some light. She had one, and a bottle of kerosene also. Possibly, enough pent up frustration too at the failure to force the powers that be to take notice of her plight.
By the time the flames could be extinguished, her life was. In her death, Kiranjit ignited a debate over the paradigm of our governance. 
It started a series of such protests, and now teachers, veterinarians, pharmacists, electricity board employees, anyone who can climb atop a water tank is doing so.
What seemed a theatre of the absurd has turned into a deathly valley.
‘Karo Ya Maro’ slogans have been sounded from so many water tank tops that the government simply does not know how to move forward. It claims so much development is happening, but then the hundreds waving rags from water tanks tell another story.
The ubiquitous water tank has now been permanently etched into the people’s collective memory as a launch pad for a thousand demands, and with thousands having many genuine demands, the state doesn’t have enough policemen to secure all the watertanks.
Bathinda seems to have emerged a particular favourite with tank climbing protesters. At one stage, a group of seven EGS teachers climbed atop a 70-foot high water tank in the heart of the city, and four of them doused themselves with petrol. After five-and-a-half hours, the state government accepted their demands through a written assurance.
In yet another attempt, three unemployed Elementary Teachers Training (ETT) passed teachers seeking jobs tried to set themselves afire in front of Upinderjeet Kaur’s residence. While cops’ presence thwarted the bid, the water tank is a highly guarded facility now.
Across Punjab, DCs and SSPs have ordered deployment of cops on rooftops in the city, including malls. 
While there could be an element of spectacle and some media publicity involved, no doubt, the fact remains that the form of protests are the loudest evidence of the regime’s failure to deliver the simplest of expectations: a job. 
Success in the state is being defined by an ability of a Deputy Commissioner or a police officer to cajole a bunch of protesters to come down from a water tank.
“Veterinary pharmacist tanky to thalle uttre.” Such headlines are leading to early morning phone calls to a DC, congratulating him at the achievement. “Raat tanky te hee bitayee,” said another headline, and the union leaders got calls praising their ability to hold on at the top of the world, or a water tank.
Now, Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal is showing some eagerness to call the protesting groups for talks, but is that the solution. The opposition Congress is trying to make some political capital, but is it really any different from the current regime?
The Akali Dal-BJP government can major political capital by addressing the real issue.
What Punjab needs is a review of its entire outlook on the idea of development. Cheap atta-dal schemes co-existing with international airports and malls across Punjab present a vulgar juxtaposition by any standards. 
The people are speaking to the state in the grammar of violence, and the state is talking back in the same idiom. With its thousands of cops, obviously the state will speak the language of violence louder. Pushed, the people are shrieking back, threatening to jump. The grammar of violence has become a part of the discourse. It is time we take note, or go take a jump. As the protesters shout, “Dub Maro Sarkar Ji.” You don’t always need a water tank for that. 

BHOPAL IN LUDHIANA

BHOPAL IN LUDHIANA
In 1984, even as the riot-hit families were still alighting from trains at the railway station, this 14-year-old was putting up a stall for Bhopal Gas Peerat, though he could help no one. Then came that devastating joke, the sickest joke that you ever heard.


Nischay Pal


DECEMBER 3, 1984. Headlines screamed about the Bhopal Gas Tragedy, and my gang of school-going big boys in Ludhiana wanted to know more. The Tribune and Ajit seemed just not enough. Everyone wanted to know more. 24x7 news TV was ouside the realm of even sci-fi writers' imagination, and a news break was still not Breaking News in 160 sized font. The hawkers used to deliver the Delhi editions of The Times of India and The Hindustan Times only a day later. The Statesman would come even two days later, along with The Telegraph. It was near impossible to get a copy of The Hindu if you were not a regular subscriber, and the Azad Newspaper wallah in Bharat Nagar Chowk would deliver only on the promise that you will not crib if the copies are two or three days' old, or if one or two days' newspapers simply did not arrive at your doorstep.
I remember bicycling to the Ghanta Ghar Chowk to get the newspapers. The Mahindra Newspaper Wallah had sold out all, except The Tribune that I had already read. Next stop was what was popularly called "Extension Library". In those days I had little idea of the huge cultural impact this extension arm of the Panjab University had on the young impressionable minds in that industrial town. (These days, PU vice chancellor has even lesser idea, so the library is in doldrums.) The librarian had hogged all the newspapers himself, and none were available. "Knock at KS Chawla's gate. I am sure The Tribune's office gets many newspapers," suggested a friend, exhorting the group on bicycles to see if the Rakh Bagh Road resident would help. Chawla shooed us away, and we deduced that anyone who lived in such a posh area could only be a colluder of the state. So why would he give us any information? (Twenty five years later, I still have to apologise to Mr Chawla, the then correspondent of The Tribune, and the Indian state still has to apologise to me for having turned me into somone who could think in such ways.)
The 14-year-old is a very young creature.
It is cocksure about so much, and
there is so much it does not understand.
It dangles between confidence of
knowledge and pangs of self-doubts
a thousand times a day.
How many tragedies do you think
 a 14-year-old could have absorbed
between the summer and
winter of the same year in 1984?
Our Murphy Radio was the one saviour, but it gave little details. Even lesser were expected from Tirath Singh Dhillon in the evening whose baritone voice on AIR Jalandhar I had become used to. But without the benefit of more newspapers, one thing was very clear, nevertheless. Bhopal tragedy was big. Bhopal was tragic. And Bhopal's scale was testing the imagination of a 14-year-old in faraway Ludhiana.
The 14-year-old's imagination was under a test for very long now. All the impassioned reporting and editorials of Ajit, Akali Patrika, Veer Pratap, Milap and the then young English Ajit Weekly could not explain enough why a situation came when army tanks went trundling inside a religious complex. The measured tone of The Tribune and the intrepid reporters of the Indian Express were little help in understanding why some poor people whom the state had failed in any case for decades would get together and burn alive hundreds of other people whom the state's security apparatus had shunned when they needed it the most.
The 14-year-old is a very young creature. It tells itself often that it is very intelligent, and understands much. And it tells itself, just as many times, that there is so much it does not understand, and so much is not making sense to him. It dangles between cockyness of being sure and pangs of self-doubts a thousand times a day.
How many tragedies do you think a 14-year-old could have absorbed between the summer and winter of the same year in 1984?
Images of devastation at the Akal Takht appeared regularly in Ajit, and by the second week of November, families, or whatever was left of them, were alighting regularly from trains at the Ludhiana Railway Station where a Naujawan Sabha of a motley group of Sikh youth had set up a table and a chair with a banner behind: “Danga Peerat Sewa Sambhal – Apna Hissa Pao Ji.” Next to the table was placed a large drum in which people would pour some atta now and then. A little langar used to be organized twice a day but I could do sewa there only on weekends. The timing clashed with my school hours.
A call had gone out to people to donate their old clothes. I don't know what it was about old clothes, but couldn't help wondering why even my very rich relatives donated only old clothes that even we could afford to. As a rebellious 14-year-old, I declared two of my four shirts very old, and then shamed my mom into donating these. (Yes, I know I would have made a very poor rebel if that was my idea of a rebellion.)
I would try and collect such hand me downs every once in a while and deliver them dutifully to the young men at the railway station who would be very recognisable. Alongside the fervour of sewa was also the fervour for wearing a saffron patka or turban.
I was young, very young. You couldn't tell whether I had a beard or not, unless you noticed very keenly. In those days, everyone used to read the newspapers. That is, everyone who bought them. Nowadays, boys of that age can go through the newspapers drooling all over, without reading a single word. In those days, you could do that with only one page of the Punjab Kesri, and there was no dearth of those who slammed it for publishing "ashleel photos."  We were young, and many of us used to look forward to those photos.
Asiad had come and gone, and color TV was there in the market. But in our locality, TV was still black and white. Our neighbours had a Televista, and the rich man across the street had a Texla. Thursday 5 pm was the permanent movie time, and Chitrahaar used to be at 8 pm. Some people had a single antenna atop a pole on rooftop, others had two. A flattened cable would hang loose from the antenna and snuggle its way right behind the TV in the drawing room. (All TVs used to be in the drawing rooms, silly!)
Someone down the lane had bought an extra four-colored screen which he had affixed on the TV screen. A group of street urchins that I led had barged into that house to see the color TV. The screen was divided into four differently colored parts. And we all thought that was what color TV was about. I had not heard of Andy Warhol then, and could draw no allusions to his work and the 'color' screen.
Life was simple. Even devastation was simple. Bhindranwala was a key tag word. “Tag word”, however, was not even a word in those days. Operation Bluestar was too recent, it was still to turn into memories. And the massacre of the Sikhs in Delhi was only yesterday. All talk about painful memories was still to even start. It was all happening rather quickly. June 1984, curfews, Sarbat Khalsas, Indira Gandhi, massacre of Sikhs, Bhopal gas tragedy. In godforsaken Ludhiana, who had time for memories? Every week, there used to be a rumour that some people living in a slum near our house were planning to loot houses of Sikhs. Poor KR Lakhanpal as Deputy Commissioner must be at his wit’s end to reassure people that all these rumours were being spread by “gair-samajik ansar”. I was very keen to see this particular tribe: “the gair-samajik ansar”. Now, after Bhopal, we heard new rumours: the slum dwellers’ were planning to put poison in the water tank. Lakhanpal was at the job again: “Gair Samajik Ansar,” he said. That hardly re-assured me. I mean I knew the tank was too high and it was difficult for anyone to scale it with the ulterior motive of adding fistfuls of poison, but I had no idea about the abilities of “gair samajik ansar”. (These days even unemployed teachers lose little time in climbing atop water tanks, and for the government, they too are ‘gair samajik ansar’ because they are asking for jobs.) A few days later I asked the maid who used to clean utencils at our place and lived in the same slum if her people had any plans to put poison in the water tank. She laughed hysterically: “Arre bhai, hum to roz hee zehar wala paani peete hain. Tum ek din pee lo ge to kuchh nahi hoga.” Such inhuman response! I was shocked. For a few days, I would gingerly take a sip and test for taste every glass of water. Till the maid’s little child died of cholera one day. “The water is all poison in our area,” her husband was explaining. I didn’t know how to react. “May be they put the poison in the wrong tank?” I thought, but then kicked myself. A 14-year-old can be an idiot. Several times in a week, in fact.
Ludhiana was a simple town for a 14-year-old in 1984, much simpler than what you see now. At the Basant Ice Cream corner of Kucha Number 5, Lal Singh himself used to sell 'kulfi' standing on the footpath. His son, Rajinder Singh, now a senior leader of Akali Dal in Ludhiana, was still learning the art of kulfi making; politics was far away unless you count cutting deals with the Municipal Committee officials to allow the illegal kulfi stall to ply the trade.
Kucha Number 5 shopkeepers and Karimpura Bazar shopkeepers, who would collectively bribe the shop inspector at the rate of Rs 25 each per month to keep their shops open on Sunday, decided to down the shutters on Monday, December 3. Dharamveer Multani whose sons ran a stationery shop near Shahpur Chowk was angry that the liquor vend on Field Ganj road next to the post office stayed open, and shamed them for selling poison.
Gurdwara Kalgidhar was often the centre of community activity. Gurdwara pardhan Gurcharan Singh was a kind soul who would religiously mark his presence at the gurdwara each morning and then tend to his cloth shop on the Gujjarmal Road, reeling out rates of what he would call "popleen", "bamber", "patte da than", "terricot", "full voil" and "boski". The last one was his favourite, and he would often make the customer touch his kurta to prove what a superior "boski" it was. After Operation Bluestar, and even more after November massacres, he had turned somewhat bitter. Years later, he told me how he had gotten angry with an old man when the latter suggested that there should be a mention in the evening ardas for those who perished in the Bhopal Gas Tragedy.
“You think they all mentioned in their prayers what happened on Delhi’s roads?” As I said, Pardhan Gurcharan Singh was a kind soul. “For years, I tried to find that old man among the sangat as I wanted to apologise to him. Most of those who were the first to raise their voice against the massacres were Hindus. Justice Tarakunde was the most vocal; Madhu Kishwar, Uma Chakarvarti…I don’t know what came over me. There should have been a mention of Bhopal, and that old man had even asked for it.”
There was a lot of Bhopal in Ludhiana that winter.
Two days later, the stale newspapers arrived. The Times of India, The Hindustan Times, The Telegraph. The smell of death peered from the front pages. The man at the Mahindra book stall was nice; I had badgered him for two days for these newspapers. “Here, take The Hindu too,” he said. I was so happy to lay my hands on the two day old copy of The Hindu that day.  Or so sad.
By evening, things were making sense. The tragedy needed all hands on the deck. For a 14-year-old, it was unprecedented. So I and the government of India were, for a change, in unison. But to act, I needed a precedent. Only true rebels act without one; and I was a rebel only as far as declaring new shirts old went.
Thankfully, there was a precedent.
I shared the newspapers with my gang. We were so sure we could do everything together. Bhopal needed help, all the newspapers were saying. And we knew how help is given. Next morning, we were at the railway station. Instead of a printed banner, we put up a couple of charts: “Bhopal Gas Peerat Sewa Dal”. Everytime a train chugged in, we would rush and shout if anyone from Bhopal needed help. All we had were a few old clothes, about ten kg of atta, and two whistles. And a spirit whose size you couldn’t measure even if you could climb atop a water tank in two steps. The think-team got together late that evening, and we decided to ask the station superintendent about which train can possibly bring Bhopal peerat people to Ludhiana. The old man was kind, I don’t remember him laughing or smirking as he advised us to contribute the atta and the rags to the Danga Peerat stall. He made sense. We left the atta with the young men in saffron patkas who gave us some handbills that announced a Kirtan Darbar on December 31st at Gurdwara Kalgidhar to herald the new year.
This could have been anyone's prized possession
in those heady days of 1984 in Ludhiana
For a few days at school, they called me Bhopal Express. Three more weeks passed. Bhopal was the new tag word. “Send Baba Santa Singh to Bhopal, he will erect the Union Carbide with sarkari kar sewa.” I was too young to articulate to myself how humour tells more nuanced truth than even newspapers. It seemed in the fitness of things to attend the Kirtan Darbar. Outside, there were many stalls for the Danga Peerat people. Inside, kirtan was interspersed time and again with some exhortations to set the enemy right. The stage secretary Rajinder Singh would describe such speakers as “Joshile Khalsa Jiyo”. Those who were rebels of a higher order than me were very boisterous about setting the enemy right. I wanted nothing different.
“How would you do that? I too wanted to do some good, so we had decided to help Bhopal victims,” I told a motley group of youngsters outside at a stall. It was then that I heard the dirtiest joke of my life. No “ashleel photos” in the many Punjab Kesris that are now published by The Times of India, The Hindustan Times and myriad other newspapers can match the dirt bomb that the joke contained. “You know where Baba Nanak was when so much zulm was taking place? He had gone to Bhopal.” And they all laughed. I didn’t get it then. But there was something not right with the joke, because there was something not right with that laughter.
Inside the Kirtan Darbar, I scurried around for my uncle. And when I found him, I told him the half-joke that I had heard. Never had I seen the timid man so furious. “Kithey ne? Kithey ne oh haraamzaade? Chal mere naal. Kaun si? Kithey ae?” He snatched a long bamboo stick from one of the sewadars, and ran outside. I ran after him. Behind me the sewadars. The group that had told the joke had run away. Pardhan Gurcharan Singh was told about what had happened. He was sad. Crest fallen. “Mazloom gareeb de pichhe piya hai, sarkar aish kar rahee hai.” The joke had dawned on me, suddenly. The youngster wanted to say that the Guru had gone to Bhopal to open the gas valve. I later found that the joke did the rounds for many weeks in those days. It was as if Bhopal’s poisonous gas had engulfed me in Ludhiana. I was sick. Some in the community that was in deep pain were trying to assuage their pain by cracking jokes about others writhing in similarly soul-shattering pain. For days, I was sick. If I had known that young man’s house, I promise you I would have turned into a rebel of a higher degree. I would have put poison in his water tank, and scribbled Warren Anderson outside his house. And you know what? Guru Nanak would have forgiven me!
After all, it was not very easy to handle Bhopal Gas Tragedy in small town Ludhiana.
(This personal memoir appeared in the Punjab Today edition of June 12-18, 2010. Readers can obtain copies of any old edition of Punjab Today at nominal price. Write to PunjabToday@gmail.com.)

Punjab hurt in accident, everyday


Punjab Today Editorial
From June 12-18, 2010 edition

It is staple news now; it appears everyday, and it reads the same. Just the names are different, and the name of the town or road is different. After all, how many times one would like to read the bland “Bus rams into car,”  “Truck runs over three pedestrians”  or “four dead, three injured in mishap?”
No more do the newspapers put a road accident story on the front page, unless they decide that the number of dead is respectable enough to merit a 60-point headline, and readers spend even less time on reading the details.
But for the families involved, it becomes the story that changed their lives. They stay with the story day after day, year after year, as children grow up without a father lost in the accident, or a husband remembers the wife who had only gone to fetch milk for the kids but couldn’t cross the road fast enough.
At times, the reality of killer roads jolts the collective public conscience, as it happened when we lost one of our more promising ministers last year. Not long before that tragedy, Punjab Vidhan Sabha was solemnly told that nine people die every single day   in the state in road accidents. It did not make for much of a headline.
Around 320 die on India’s roads every day. That makes it over 13 deaths every hour. Each year, accident figures are crossing one lakh in India. Compare the media coverage and public outcry over road accidents with coverage of terrorism in Kashmir or the Mumbai attacks.
Since Indian highways are expanding and getting ever wider, and massive money is being pumped into Kamal Nath’s ministry, experts are warning of a four fold increase in road fatalities.
As for the sociology of accidents, it also works against the poor. Roads and accidents happen to poor and rich, both, but somehow the ground rules of accidents are not very democratic. The number of urban and rural poor dying in road accidents is      surprisingly high.
Empirical data suggests that most deaths involve vulnerable road users like pedestrians, bicyclists and motorised two wheeler riders. True, everyone walks and even the rich get run over by a car, but data from Institute for Road Traffic Education (IRTE), Union Ministry of Road, Transport and Highways, and Transportation Research and Injury Prevention Programme (TRIPP) at IIT-Delhi suggests that death comes easily to the poor, the              vulnerable.
Some of life’s realities do not change even in a road accident.
In Punjab, maximum road deaths are reported from patches that cut through villages. Our politicians are so keen to turn Punjab into another California but it will help if they simply paid more attention to what they consider mundane.
You know how little it takes at times to save lives? Simply telling people to keep their two-wheelers’ headlights on during the day can bring down death rates by 15 per cent! Many countries have this law on their statute books; what’s stopping us? Chandigarh police has done a remarkable job in enforcing many traffic rules; what have we learnt from that experience?
The toori-laden ubiquitous tractor-trolley cannot be allowed to continue as a road trundling monster of death in these foggy days, and private bus operators cannot keep running riot trying to outdo each other to pick up passengers.
At least not if we want all our children to return home every single day from school, to reach the other side of the road, and to run an errand on a bicycle without meeting death on the way.
And if road accidents are a matter of life and death for each of us, surely those who claim to administer our affairs for us in our name and with our money must be doing a tough job. But when was the last time you heard any political party making high road deaths an election issue?

GLASSI JUNCTION: Punjab's route to Lapataganj

Drugs are Punjab's proverbial sixth river, and so swollen is it currently that unless we de-wash ourselves of the comfortable notion that we will somehow learn to wade through the muddled waters, we will soon be flailing our arms and swearing to God that we will act differently if we get just one more chance. But by then, the crazy gods will be helpless,
writes Nischay Pal
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IRONIES, juxtapositions, contrasts always help us in understanding complex issues impacting our society, but in case of Punjab, such a juxtaposition can leave you utterly confused at times. Here is one: two streams of popular Punjabi pop lyrics are flowing side by side on your TV screens, at cultural festivals and at the umpteen Nites all around.

1. There's always the mandatory song urging our youth to stay away from drugs, describing how nasha can destroy you. These songs lament the way Punjabi young men are wasting their jawani and there is always a call to make this the land of the pure.
2. Another competing and even more vibrant line of lyrics celebrates the drinking culture of Punjab, Glassi nal glassi phrases abound, even the village belle is compared to a bottle of desi sharaab and when it comes to showcasing our gourmet at a place like Chandigarh's Kalagram, the hub of cultural activities in the region, the restaurant is named Club Glassi.
Not a single protest is heard either against the songs celebrating the culture of asking friends to come with a bottle to the tubewell wala kamra or the nomenclature of Club Glassi.
And then all seminars on Punjab's economy, culture, traditions, future, village life, education system or health parametres will always feature dramatic statements about drug menace in Punjab, shocking number crunching and sometimes even as pious an expression as administering an oath against use of drugs.
Meanwhile, most people know that drug trade cannot thrive without political blessings, that any local SHO always knows the characters who ply the substance, that certain politicians in the state are identified with drug trade and that elections are lost and won on drugs in certain constituencies.


Are we then living in an artificially-induced intellectual stupor where we all know the disease, its origins, its line of treatment but the sum total of our combined laments, hypocrisy and noisy protestations is becoming visible by the day: an ever increasing menace of drugs?
Some are calling it Punjab's sixth river, and so swollen is it currently that unless we dewash ourselves of the comfortable notion that we have all learnt to wade through muddled waters on any issue, this is one that will see us flailing our arms and swearing to God that we will act differently if we get just one more chance, and the crazy gods will be helpless. Because we are all bringing it upon ourselves, ourselves.
When an epidemiological survey of drug abuse was conducted in 24 rural villages of four Community Development Blocks (CDB) in three border districts of Punjab covering 1276 households in 1976 by D Mohan, KR Sundaram and HK Sharma, the figures were termed 'shocking'. That was 33 years back. What term will you use for today's data?
Well, here's how we make the data more acceptable, or less shocking. Drug menace now is being seen almost divorced from liquor consumption. That's an achievement for the liquor lobby because had it not been so, we would have been a state that earns its maximum revenue by making people druggists, officially. We, of course, still do that.
As we said, a deliberate refined art form of living in a dazed stupor. The lush green fields, the touristy bhangra postcards, the village belles at the well, the Heer-Ranjha images and the Satguru Teri Ot emblazoned across a decorated truck have a new companion in Punjabi iconization: a young man stooping in the street, a bottle in hand, asking for a bit of opium, or bhukki, or ganja. That's because smart, urban lads in jeans riding expensive bikes get their high from heroine and are still to enter iconography of drugs, awaiting their '60s moment.
As for the politician, he finds the scapegoat that is tied the nearest to his little cranium. From Osama bin Laden to bad quality of black salt, Pakistan comes handy. So whip the bad boy. Easy accessibility of drugs is blamed on the proximity with Pakistan borders.
From the land of the Gurus to Green Revolution to militancy to a state vying for SEZs, this is the one throne in our collective consciousness today. Just a mention of once affluent village in the heart of Amritsar, Maqboolpura, is enough to hang our heads in shame. Almost every home here has lost some of its male members to the menace of drugs.
Drug menace is not something that affects only the user. Drugs are tied with AIDS, and with plunging earning capacities. As resources are claimed by drugs, illnesses get into a habit of becoming serious, and the pace is only matched by apathy as the drug user divorces himself from reality more and more. Punjab's countryside is full of heart-rending stories where women have first lost husbands, and then sons to drugs.
Now, a new face of the drug user is emerging. For decades, the face was one of a male. Drug problem was always primarily a male problem. Now, for the last few years, girls' colleges are reporting the problem and all-girls' hostel wardens talk of incidents of violence over drugs. Phrases are being flogged to death: "The drug abuse has become like a cancer at the heart of our society" pulls at heart strings no more. As sensitivities get numbed, talk about creating awareness among the people sounds more and more hollow.
Substance abusers get into depression, display anxiety, experience powerlessness and low levels of self-esteem. To boot, there's often a surge of criminal activity since the pathway to crime usually proceeds from trauma to drug use. At this level, drug comes in as a sort of self-medication and then goes on to become addiction and finally to crime to support these addictions.
Physical, mental, verbal and financial abuse follow soon. "I don't know why. I didn't realize it. I loved my family so much. They were supportive of me. They were there for me, but I didn't deserve what my husband put me through." You get stock responses of this kind, but the liquor vends are on the increase, government responds with advertisements of even more thekas and cops across the state often fight with local women groups protesting against a vend near the village school.
Drug rehabilitation programs do not work since therapy works rarely with outpatients  while shame and stigma works against a stay in rehabilitation centers. In such a scenario, instead of something like the AA movement, Punjab is witnessing the new age scientist making money: De-addiction treatment with laser therapy.
With farming in crisis, farmer suicides daily staple news, primary school education in doldrums and medicare support from the next door dispensary or hospital in tatters, the vibrancy of Punjab is a myth. When young men come down to selling their blood to procure the daily dose of deadly drugs, or even beg on the streets to keep their addiction alive, words lose meaning. The media is meant to tell you what is happening, but in this case, you have a ring side view of the reality yourself. The skeletal structure, pallor, deep sunken eyes, and particularly the multiple injection marks on his arms, give him away, telling the tale of his notorious past. You know this is the face of Punjab today, not the politician who claims to turn it into California, unless he has seen that dark side of California which, God forbid, he may be planning to gift wrap for us.
From the first taste of bhukki or the harmless gutka, the problem of epidemic proportions first arrives in sachet sizes. Soon, the route to graduation winds through cough syrups like phansydril and corex, proxyvon, Dormant 10, diazepam tablets and hits the potent road of opium, charas, ganja, mandrax, smack, heroin, pausing at times at lizards' tails and quaint application of shoe polish, smelling petrol and iodex spread on bread.
In the cities comes peer influence, thrill-seeking and curiosity. "With the consumption of intoxicants having become so widespread, an introduction to them is treated as some kind of a coming-of-age ceremony by most boys," said Prof Manjit Singh of Panjab University's Sociology Department.
Another professor narrated the tale of a boy who knew what was wrong with him, failed to do anything about it and then finally came up with a solution. "It was really frightening when he one day asked his mother to shoot him dead so as to save him from this misery."
Do we have that option? Asking that we be wiped off the face of the earth so that at least our memory survives that we were once a vibrant state, our mustard fields were yellow, our farmers fed this country, our lovers crossed the Chenab on unbaked pots, our young men died on the borders with bayonets in hands, our girls kept up their chins up in the worst of the circumstances and our women replaced the bull on whose horns the earth rests?
May be that is a solution which will help us hide the ugly reality that we killed our daughters in the wombs, refused to recognise the greatness of our own culture, divorced our mother tongue Punjabi, ended the tradition of an engagement with the written word, and then finally picked up the bottle, jabbed syringes into our wrists, expertly made opium balls, and then met at the Club Glassi Junctions to sing Aa ja mitran de theke te, glassi naal glassi kharkke.
Juxtapositions, as I said, often confuse us, or, as the village idiot character of Sharat Joshi's tales often says it pithily, sometimes they don't. Strange how the idiots are increasingly sounding so intelligent these days! Or are we in a stupor to even recognize who is an idiot? If we don't get this right quickly, Sohna Punjab will soon be Lapataganj.


LATEST ISSUE OF PUNJAB TODAY BRINGS YOU THE
HIDDEN LAYERS IN THE PPSC SCAM


It's Ravi Sidhu all over again, and much more slush and dirt. Punjab Today raises serious questions about the PPSC SCAM in recruitments in which the Vigilance Bureau has indicted all seven members as guilty. But how is the recruitment of PCS officers connected to the scam? What has Punjab's high accident fatalities rate got to do with the scam? Punjab Today's cover story takes you into the layers of the scam even the Vigilance Bureau is not talking about.

In this season of Cricket World Cup, is it possible that you could have missed on a cricketing icon bigger than Sachin Tendulkar, or Kapil Dev, or, wonder of wonders, Ranjitsinh ji in whose name Ranji Trophy is established? Well, he was one of our top scorers, and he clean bowled Ranji many a time. So much so, that even Dr. B R Ambedkar considered him a hero during his youth. Congress presidents welcomed him. He helped Indian cricket take its first tentative but sure steps when British did not allow an Indian on the cricket ground. Punjab Today brings you the fascinating story of the man who had a deep connect with Punjab: he played in Maharaja of Patiala's team too. Read The Lost Icon in our latest issue.

Punjab Today also engages with the Deathly Tales From A Village in Haryana's Rewari, and asks whether only those are responsible who killed the Sikhs in Hondh-Chiller, or should we also look for the murderers who continued to assassinate the memory of the dead for more than a quarter century? The Assassins of Memories lurk around us.

But amid all this, there's some good news too. Good in a rather strange way. Punjab Government, eager to gather funds for our development, is now offering us all a drink, and forcibly. The government has taken a Sarkari Theka to ensure that we drink more, and anyone resisting be told clearly: It ain't easy to refuse a drink when the government becomes a saki. Read Sarkari Theka in the latest Punjab Today issue.

A top IAS officer, known for his efficiency & integrity clashed with his minister, and was shunted out of the department. Everyone must learn the right lessons from the episode, but is there a lesson for the officer too? Read our story on The Officer Who Dared To Say “No Minister”.

Also, Punjab Today brings you the hot & happening news from the world of media. Who has been transferred, who is being sacked & who is fighting whom? If he media tells you about everyone else, we’ll tell you about the media too.
This, and much more in the latest issue of Punjab Today. In case of any difficulty in procuring a copy of Punjab Today, please call +91.9814231777 or mail punjabtoday@gmail.com.

Best.
Kanwar Manjit Singh
Editor-in-Chief
Punjab Today
Punjab Today Bhawan
C-179, Focal Point, Patiala
Tel : 91.175.223.2382
Fax : 91.175.223.2381 www.punjabtoday.in
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Sunday, February 6, 2011

LATEST ISSUE OF PUNJAB TODAY DRAGS TAHRIR SQUARE TO MATKA CHOWK


Upcoming issue of PUNJAB TODAY poses a simple question. Tell us what place are we talking about?

* Rampant Corruption * Massive Unemployment * Zooming Food Prices * Ban on Any Protests * Sales of Cars Up Four Times In Last 5 Years * Cheap Atta-Dal * Bigtime Claims About Growth Rates * A System Hijacked By Thugs

What Are We Talking About? Egypt, of course. Oh, you thought Punjab? Well, you could be right also.
AS IN EGYPT, SO IN PUNJAB. Read in the latest issue of PUNJAB TODAY, hitting newsstands TODAY, February 5, 2011. As millions are thronging the Tahrir Square in Cairo, pitching in even in the dead of the night, adamant on snatching Democracy from a Dictator, you cannot even ask for democracy from our so-called democratic rulers in any chowk in Punjab. Punjab has passed draconian Acts putting a ban on protests, and the state of affairs in Punjab is not very different for most people than what it is in Egypt. So, as you watch things coming to a boil in TUNISIA, YEMEN, EGYPT, think about it: Why Can’t Punjab Be Next?
Youth filled with rage, apathetic regimes, democracy gagged through draconian laws, corruption all around, leaders propped up by money & muscle power, talk of thousands of crores amidst rank poverty.
Enough is Enough is being heard in Cairo's chowks. It is very much the talk in Punjab too.

You can go to Tahrir Chowk and protest. You cannot do that in Matka Chowk in Chandigarh. That's democracy for you.

The latest issue also brings you the unholy secret pact between PAU, Ludhiana and Swiss-based food corporate Nestlé, something that has shocked activists around the country.

Do not miss the latest issue of PUNJAB TODAY for a report on the eyeball-to-eyeball direct confrontation between Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and NAC head Sonia Gandhi over food. He has rejected her recommendations, she has rejected his bill, and now date of next clash has been set. This is The Real Roti Issue

PUNJAB TODAY also brings you how a conspiracy of silence has hit everyone after our expose of the huge blunder about Golden Temple Grand Plaza Entrance in which the award-winning model cleared by the SGPC, govt, top architects and IAS officers had the causeway on the wrong side and obliterated the Akal Takht.

Read also our reports on death row convict Devinder Pal Singh Bhullar being sent to mental asylum, the murderous attack on Shera and how the system works, a report on Mirchpur, on the white lies about the Black List and about the passing away of Bibi Joginder Kaur Tohra, with whose death the fragile link with another era has snapped when values and ethics mattered most in politics.

In case of any difficulty in procuring a copy of Punjab Today, please call +91.9814231777 or mail punjabtoday@gmail.com.